Representativeness of the final sample
Numerous characteristics of the final sample also align quite closely with characteristics of the Airbnb guest population, as reported by Airbnb in its economic impact reports. Additionally, characteristics of the final sample often parallel sample characteristics that have been reported in other Airbnb studies, or are consistent with characteristics that have been found to define sharing economy users more broadly. These parallels lend some confidence to the representativeness of the overall sample, and in turn the generalizability of the findings.
Regarding demographics, the 68% of respondents who were female is somewhat higher than the 54% female ratio that Airbnb reported for its summer 2015 guest population (Airbnb, 2015c). The relatively higher female representation in this study may simply reflect the comparatively higher survey response rates that many studies have detected among females (e.g., Cull, O’Connor, Sharp, & Tang, 2005; Sax, Gilmartin, & Bryan, 2003; Sax, Gilmartin, Lee, & Hagedorn, 2003). Nevertheless, the relatively high proportion of female respondents also may be a function of females playing a particularly large role in families’ trip planning (Mottiar & Quinn, 2004). In other words, it is actually quite reasonable that a study on the choice to use Airbnb as a form of tourism accommodation would have greater female representation than is found among Airbnb’s users. As was discussed previously, the predominance of respondents within the 21-30 and 31-40 age groups is also quite consistent with Airbnb reports about the average age of its users. Additionally, the relatively high levels of education and household financial status among the respondents are consistent with the claim (and sometimes criticism) that the sharing economy is primarily used by well-educated, middle-class individuals (Cheng, 2014; Lahti & Selosmaa, 2013). The Morgan Stanley study on Airbnb (Nowak et al., 2015) also found Airbnb users tended to be wealthier than non-users.
Regarding trip characteristics, the vast majority of the respondents had most recently used Airbnb for a leisure trip, and it is well-established that Airbnb primarily attracts leisure travellers. Indeed, the trip purpose breakdown among respondents is very consistent with what has been reported in Airbnb’s economic impact reports. Likewise, the proportions of respondents who had stayed in different forms of Airbnb accommodation (entire home, private bedroom, or shared space) are very similar to these accommodations’ proportional representation among Airbnb listings (while keeping in mind that bookings are not necessarily identical to listings). Also, the average length of stay figure for the final sample is essentially identical to what Airbnb has reported in the media and indicated in its economic impact reports. Moreover, the length of stay figures within this study’s sample are very similar to those reported in the Morgan Stanley study on Airbnb (Nowak et al., 2015). Within the Morgan Stanley sample, 7% of guests stayed one night (compared to 10% for this study), 22% stayed two nights (the same as for this study), 51% spent three to five nights (compared to 50% for this study), 14% spent six to ten nights (the same as for this study), and 7% spent ten or more nights (compared to 5% for this study). Furthermore, nearly all of the respondents in the present study’s sample stayed in their most recent Airbnb with at least one other guest, and this is again very consistent with data from several Airbnb economic impact reports.
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General characteristics of Airbnb users
Because the final sample proved fairly representative of Airbnb’s guest population in many ways, it seems reasonable to use the sample to generate some broad insights about the general characteristics of Airbnb users. To begin, Airbnb seems to be particularly popular among young adults with university education and above average financial status. As was described previously, these characteristics are seemingly typical of sharing economy participants more generally. The prevalence of younger users presents excellent long-term growth potential for Airbnb, as younger travellers are just entering the independent travel market and have decades of travel ahead of them. Airbnb’s more limited popularity among older travellers can be viewed as both a current limitation and a tremendous potential growth area, particularly given the large baby boomer travel market (Peltier, 2014). In fact, seniors represent the fastest growing and most favourably reviewed age group of Airbnb hosts (Newcomer, 2016), which may eventually translate into more stays by this demographic, and Airbnb recently forged a content partnership with an online community for seniors in Australia and New Zealand (Bennett, 2016). Also, the prevalence of well-educated and relatively affluent users is somewhat paradoxical given the apparent importance of low cost as a motivator to use Airbnb, and it contradicts the possible belief that Airbnb’s ‘low cost’ appeal means it is primarily used by people with limited economic resources. It also reinforces concerns that the sharing economy is not yet living up to its potential to particularly benefit underprivileged groups (Cheng, 2014).
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The overwhelming prevalence of leisure travellers among Airbnb’s guests is also noteworthy. The relatively small proportion of Airbnb guests using the service to attend a convention, conference, or other major event is interesting because Airbnb initially focused exclusively on providing accommodations during such events (Botsman & Rogers, 2010). Also, the even smaller percentage of business travellers reflects the degree to which Airbnb has yet to truly penetrate the (high-value) business market, despite its recent increasing attention towards business travellers. Airbnb’s limited use by business travellers is consistent with Zervas et al.’s (2015b) analysis showing Airbnb’s impacts are greatest on hotels without a strong business clientele, and it is one of the primary reasons why many hoteliers and industry analysts remain skeptical of Airbnb’s threat to the hotel sector (e.g., DePillis, 2016; Grant, 2013a; Nowak et al., 2015).
It is also worth noting that under one-fifth of the respondents were backpackers. This finding helps contradict the perception held by some that Airbnb guests are mostly adventurous travellers on a very tight budget (Mayock, 2013; Mogelonsky, 2015; Mourier, 2014). It also serves as a clear point of distinction between Airbnb and CouchSurfing, which seems to have a much larger backpacker element (Jimenez Guaman, 2016) and has even been described as a particular style of backpacking (Huang, 2013).
The finding that 70% of the respondents had most recently rented an entire home, rather than sharing the accommodation with a host, helps reveal Airbnb to be a different form of sharing economy service than what many may perceive. Indeed, Airbnb renting often does not even involve the simultaneous sharing of space. Perhaps unsurprisingly, the term “sharing economy” has been criticized due to prominent sharing economy services like Airbnb and Uber (a ride-hailing service) really being devoted to selling rather than sharing per se (e.g., Naughton, 2015; Eckhardt & Bardhi, 2015; Slee, 2016; Wells, 2016). Nonetheless, Airbnb does represent “sharing” in the sense that it permits hosts to share some of the benefits and costs of home ownership (Jefferson-Jones, 2015). Regardless of this semantic debate, the prevalence of entire home rentals further differentiates Airbnb from a purer form of sharing like CouchSurfing, and underscores Airbnb’s closer similarity with (and therefore threat to) more traditional forms of accommodation like hotels.
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Just fewer than 10% of the respondents had most recently used Airbnb for a single night stay. The Morgan Stanley study (Nowak et al., 2015) found a similarly low percentage of single night stays among Airbnb guests, and contrasted this with the much larger share of single night stays in hotels. Nowak et al. (2015) interpreted this distinction as reflective of Airbnb’s limited penetration into the business travel market, and consequently its limited threat to hotels. However, as will be discussed, the disruptive innovation framework suggests it is a mistake to dismiss the long-term threat of Airbnb merely due to its currently limited footprint within the lucrative business travel market. Also, over 70% of the respondents had most recently used Airbnb for a relatively short stay of no more than four nights, while fewer than 13% had most recently used Airbnb for a stay of seven or more nights. Again, these proportions were similar to those reported in the Morgan Stanley study (Nowak et al.). This finding also has implications for Airbnb’s threat to hotels, as the figures seemingly contradict a statement from Airbnb’s Head of Global Hospitality & Strategy that, “Part of the reason [hoteliers] shouldn’t fret [about Airbnb’s emergence] is because ... some of Airbnb’s core market is extended-stay guests” (Conley, 2014). While it is unclear what constitutes an “extended stay,” and Airbnb certainly does have a cohort of guests using it for fairly long stays, it also appears that the large majority of Airbnb’s guests are on relatively short stays that are not especially unlike typical hotel stays.
Finally, Airbnb’s recent and rapidly growing popularity is evident from the sample’s Airbnb usage history, as most respondents had used Airbnb no more than a few times and had only begun using it within the past year or two. This finding also highlights the degree to which Airbnb is very much a new innovation with which most adopters are not yet particularly experienced. This situation underscores Airbnb’s potential to continue its rapid expansion, while also raising questions regarding possible future shifts in the motivations.
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