Afterword: Human Rights, Neoliberalism and Economic Inequality Today



       The mere want of fortune, mere poverty, excites little compassion.

       Adam Smith

 

       Can all 842 million people who do not have access to nutritionally adequate food be victims of human rights violations?

       Amnesty International

 

       In 2015, the human rights lawyer Philip Alston used his new position as the UN special rapporteur for extreme poverty and human rights to issue a ‘clarion call’ to human rights defenders. Extreme economic inequality should be seen as ‘a cause of shame on the part of the international human rights movement’, Alston argued. Moreover, he charged that major human rights organisations, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, had been deeply reluctant to factor questions of distribution and resources into their advocacy, and consequently the deep structures that perpetuate such inequalities have been left untouched. While reprimanding the human rights NGOs for their failure to address social and economic rights, Alston also argued against conflating these ‘lop-sided and counter-productive institutional choices’ with the structure of human rights law. Economic and social rights are a key part of that structure, he contended, even if they are often treated as ‘minor league discussions’ by human rights NGOs, and the United States has spent several decades trying to undermine them.1

       Today, Alston is not alone in advocating that human rights organisations shift their attention to social and economic rights and economic inequality. Since the Global Financial Crisis of 2007–08, the UN Human Rights Council, which Alston reports to, has commissioned multiple reports on debt, economic inequality and social and economic rights. Even those human rights NGOs Alston criticises have slowly changed their practices in the decades since their inceptions. As early as 2001, Amnesty International expanded its mandate to include all human rights, and has subsequently focused increasing attention on social, economic and cultural rights. Human Rights Watch, while remaining more reluctant to shift its focus from civil and political rights, has recently paid more attention to ‘arbitrary or discriminatory government policies that result in the violation of economic, social, or cultural rights’.2 Newer organisations, such as the Center for Economic and Social Rights, founded in 1993, have emerged to fight ‘for social justice through human rights’.3 And grassroots movements across the globe often use the language of human rights to challenge austerity, the expropriation of land for mining, and the privatisation of public resources.4

       And yet there is more at stake in Alston’s intervention than a concern for poverty and inequality in their own right. This long-time human rights lawyer is also concerned to salvage the ‘legitimacy of the overall human rights enterprise’.5 If the human rights movement is currently facing powerful contestation globally, he writes, this is largely due to the perception that its preoccupations ‘do little or nothing to address the most abiding and pressing challenges confronted by a large part of humanity’.6 Although Alston’s attention to social and economic rights, poverty and economic equality is salutary, the interests of the ‘human rights enterprise’ are not necessarily identical with those of that ‘large part of humanity’ whose most pressing concerns it has so far failed to address.7 It is therefore not obvious that bolstering the threatened legitimacy of that ‘enterprise’ is the surest way to address humanity’s most pressing challenges. Despite their claim to work in the interests of all human beings, the strength of official human rights organisations and institutions is not necessarily an index of the state of humanity itself.

       Today, Alston’s warnings about the fate of the human rights movement are increasingly amplified by those who claim that human rights are in crisis. Scholars declare that we are living through the ‘twilight of human rights law’ and have reached the ‘endtimes of human rights’.8 Meanwhile, a rising parade of authoritarian leaders frame civil rights and anti-discrimination law as the exclusive concern of ‘cosmopolitan’, ‘globalist’ elites, and introduce new laws restricting the activities of human rights NGOs. Organisations that campaign for the human rights of immigrants have faced particularly severe repression; in Hungary, for instance, the right-wing government has introduced a suite of laws that criminalise any support activities that can be construed as ‘facilitating illegal immigration’. Today rhetoric about national sovereignty and control over borders is resurgent, while the disastrous consequences of recent humanitarian interventions, notably in Libya, have weakened the consolidation of new norms that would enable intervention in the face of gross violations of human rights. As I finalised this book, in June 2018, the United States announced its withdrawal from the United Nations Human Rights Council, which US ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley described as a ‘cesspool of political bias’.9 The following words read as a neat description of this mood of crisis:

       Human rights is now common currency in the languages of many nations and in the languages of relations between nations … Few would say, however, that human rights are alive and well in all or most countries. Few would insist that the international effort has brought a substantial improvement in the welfare of many human beings. Even its staunch supporters have noted that international protection has faltered, perhaps even relapsed; that there is in fact a ‘crisis’ in human rights.10

       Despite their contemporary ring, those words were written in 1974, by Louis Henkin – the founder of contemporary human rights law. Henkin’s explanation for that crisis has lost little of its currency. While the language of human rights suggested universal acceptance, he pointed out that no such consensus on a list of rights existed, or could be expected to exist. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was ‘a product of the days when the UN was much smaller and dominated by Western states and Western ideas’, he argued, and even its fragile compromise between civil and political rights and social and economic rights unravelled in the transition from an aspirational document to legally binding covenants.11 The belief in the universal defence of human rights had foundered, he argued, on the unwillingness of states to accept interference in their internal affairs. Meanwhile, the United States perceived human rights as export commodities, ‘a kind of white man’s burden’ that it was only prepared to take up when there were no costs to offset its national interest in doing so.12

       Up to this point, Henkin’s diagnosis sounds like a snapshot of our own time. But, writing at a time of Cold War conflict and ascendant Third Worldism, he also complained that ‘the human rights lexicon and movement are used to support other values’, namely economic self-determination and sovereignty equality; this ‘politicization’, he argued, was the ultimate cause of the crisis of human rights.13 Although he saw little chance of overcoming this situation in the short term, Henkin laid out a series of proposals for responding to it, including a new focus on ad hoc monitoring of state practice and the founding of new organisations more able to intervene across borders. Most importantly, he stressed the need to ‘depoliticize human rights’, and to convince African states that what he dismissively referred to as ‘their particular struggle against racial repression’ could be served only by ‘ “neutral” human rights principles’ and ‘impartial machinery operating universally’.14 Henkin believed this would reassure the United States that leadership on human rights would not jeopardise her relations with white supremacist states such as Rhodesia and South Africa, and would enable her to embrace the cause of human rights as a means to further both her values and her interests. ‘Then’, he predicted, ‘the fundamental revolution in principle that made human rights everywhere everyone’s business might be realized without jeopardy to other international business.’15

       In response to the human rights ‘crisis’ of his time, this dean of human rights law laid out a programme for what Joseph Slaughter calls ‘the hi-jacking of human rights’ – that is, he sought to win the language away from anticolonialists, who used it to defend self-determination and anti-racism, and reinvent human rights as an (apolitical) adjunct to US power.16 The central premise of this programme was that there was no necessary conflict between the particular interests of the United States and the universal values of ‘humanity’. Within less than three years of Henkin’s ‘crisis’, US President Jimmy Carter would embrace this premise, arguing that US foreign policy was strongest when it emphasised ‘morality and a commitment to freedom and democracy’.17 But it was only later, with the end of the Cold War, that it really became possible to maintain that linking human rights to the global promotion of competitive markets represented the ‘depoliticisation’ of human rights. Perhaps the last prominent believer in this strategy is Hillary Clinton, who used a 2015 speech to urge that ‘great democracies’ like the United States and Canada should combat the rise of extremism by showing the world that ‘free people and free markets, human rights and human dignity, respect for our fellow men and women is our core strength’.18

       As we have seen, this same belief in the complementarity of interests and values, free markets and human rights, was central to neoliberal attempts to develop a universal morality to support the global extension of a competitive market. For the neoliberals, unless individuals are free to pursue their own interests on the market, all talk of human rights is meaningless. For them, this was the lesson of the United States’ ‘constitution of liberty’. And, at the same time, they argued that the competitive market would not survive without a robust system of individual rights and a conducive moral atmosphere. By the time major states and international financial institutions had embraced the belief that only free markets could secure free people, and that human dignity was intimately tied to a market order that freed individuals from dependence, these had been neoliberal articles of faith for decades. Since the end of World War II, organised neoliberalism had been focused on promoting a world order in which morals and interests would reinforce each other. In human rights standards, they too saw a means to ‘depoliticise’ international economic relations, protecting the right to trade and securing the space in which individuals and corporations could pursue their interests unhindered.

       As a recipe for combating the rise of extremism, this combination of free markets and human rights has not been a great success. Instead, right wing movements, overtly racist parties and authoritarian leaders have come to power by publicly disparaging the ‘globalist’ agenda, even as many of them have embraced the austerity politics and attacks on welfare (and racialised welfare recipients) that have defined the neoliberal consensus for decades.19 While neoliberalism survived the Global Financial Crisis largely ‘unscathed’, as Philip Mirowsi notes, it has not survived entirely unchanged.20 Today, the explicit appeals to ‘Western civilisation’ and the racialised fear of ‘the masses’ that defined early neoliberalism are resurgent, and appeals to humanitarianism are increasingly replaced by xenophobic and exclusionary attempts ‘to beat people into submission’ in order to protect the ‘smooth operation of the market economy’.21

       That neoliberalism tends to produce authoritarianism was a lesson learnt in the Global South long before the recent rise of right-wing authoritarianism in Europe and the United States. As the imposition of neoliberal reforms by international financial institutions eroded states’ ‘political capacity to govern’, these same states often relied more heavily on repression in order to implement unpopular economic policies.22 In the postcolony, the ‘crumbling’ of the independence and sovereignty for which anticolonialists had fought subjected these states to the ‘tutelage of international creditors’, severing the ties between citizenship and rights to public services.23 In the Global North, renewed demands for sovereignty and control have eschewed the internationalism and egalitarianism that animated earlier postcolonial attempts to challenge the dependence that structured the international economy, and have instead valorised nativism and exclusion.

       The belief in the elective affinities between the economic interests and human rights of the world’s people has led to the sacrificing of these rights in cases where the two have turned out to clash. For the neoliberals, this was explicit and clear. Compatibility with the competitive market was the criterion by which all rights and institutions were to be judged. Others have fought sincerely for human rights, and seen their embrace by major states and corporations as the best means towards their protection. In either case, for all the utopianism of mid-century neoliberalism, dreams of freedom, rights and perpetual peace have given way to ongoing wars, mass displacement and the weakening of the very civil liberties neoliberals claimed to defend.

       Alston’s 2018 report on extreme poverty and human rights in the United States offers a stark snapshot of the impact of decades of neoliberalism in one of its key heartlands.24 Despite the great wealth of the United States, he reported that around 40 million of its citizens lived in poverty, 18.5 million in extreme poverty, and 5.3 million in ‘Third-World conditions of poverty’. Meanwhile, in the period since 1980, annual income earnings of the top 0.001 per cent of the population had risen by 636 per cent, while the average annual wage for the bottom 50 per cent had stagnated.25 Largely for the pragmatic reason that the US has still not ratified the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Alston’s report highlights the extent to which poverty deprives the poor of civil and political rights: people in poverty often lack access to impartial justice, he showed, and economic inequality deprives them of political rights by allowing wealthy elites to capture the political process. In contrast to the neoliberal trade-off, which promised (a margin of) freedom at the expense of equality, his report points towards the horizon of what Étienne Balibar calls égaliberté – that is, the recognition that ‘equality is practically identical with freedom’, as the deprivation of one always damages the other.26

       Can major human rights bodies and NGOs move towards that horizon and break with the neoliberal human rights heritage? Much depends on how freedom and equality are understood. From that perspective, Alston’s appeals to Hayek to argue for an emphasis on equality of opportunity, as ‘perfect equality is not achievable and arguably not desirable’, suggests caution about the belief that the human rights enterprise is likely to pose a serious challenge to a ‘resilient’ and ‘adaptable’ neoliberal order.27 Not only does Alston seek to define equality in a way that would be acceptable to a figure like Hayek, who was ‘known for his aversion to government intervention to achieve more equality’.28 He also campaigns for the international financial institutions, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, to ‘promote respect for human rights’ in order to minimise their own ‘reputational costs’.29

       It is no doubt true that the Bank’s reluctance to embrace human rights is based on a ‘double standard’, given its willingness to intervene on issues as diverse (and as political) as counterterrorism, corruption and the rule of law. Nevertheless, in counselling it to overcome what he casts as an anachronistic norm of non-intervention, motivated by cultural relativism, and become a force for the dissemination of human rights norms, Alston allows the Bank to evade responsibility for its own role in the poverty and inequality he then calls upon it to rectify. In advocating social and economic rights to rectify the inequality and economic insecurity that has ‘laid the groundwork for popular revolt’, and in calling on the international financial institutions to forestall such revolt, Alston’s new agenda for human rights ultimately remains consistent with previous attempts to moralise capitalism and pacify the ‘revolt of the masses’, which was the central concern of neoliberalism in the middle of the twentieth century.

       The rise of right-wing, racist movements and parties, including those that aim to entrench rather than ameliorate the inequalities of the neoliberal period, suggests that the project of subordinating politics to human rights norms and transferring governance to international financial bodies has failed to create more inclusive and equal polities. The insistence that freedom requires submission to the market, and the acceptance of the inequalities it produces, has led neither to equality nor to freedom. The rise of the right calls for a break with the neoliberal dichotomy between peaceful (civilised) markets and violent (savage) politics. For human rights, this means recognising that the absence of global consensus on a list of human rights cannot be resolved by ‘depoliticisation’. Rather than seeking to transcend politics by recourse to morality, markets or law, the inequalities of our time call for the reinvigoration of political contestation over ends. Only a political struggle against those institutions, governments and corporations that have promoted and benefited from the inequality and ‘economic powerlessness’ of the neoliberal age can open a horizon of freedom for all.30 A break with neoliberalism requires a break with the morals of the market.

 

Notes

       Introduction: The Morals of the Market

 

       1 Daniel Finkelstein, ‘Tories Should Embrace the Human Rights Act’, The Times, 12 July 2017.

       2 Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (San Diego: Harcourt Brace, 1976), p. 299.

       3 Sam Knight, ‘The Year the Grenfell Tower Fire Revealed the Lie That Londoners Tell Themselves’, New Yorker, 27 December 2017.

       4 Lisa Tilley and Robbie Shilliam, ‘Raced Markets: An Introduction’, New Political Economy 23: 5 (2018), p. 534.

       5 Robert Booth and Owen Bowcott, ‘Where Do We Stand a Year after the Grenfell Tower Fire?’, Guardian, 14 June 2018.

       6 Nicola Perugini and Neve Gordon, The Human Right to Dominate, Oxford Studies in Culture and Politics (Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press, 2015).

       7 Monica Prasad, The Politics of Free Markets (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), p. 132.

       8 Milton Friedman and Rose D. Friedman, ‘Appendix B, Chapter 28 (Free to Choose): Documents’, in Milton Friedman and Rose D. Friedman, eds, Two Lucky People: Memoirs (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), p. 605.

       9 Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality Vol. 1 (New York: Pantheon, 1990), p. 100.

       10 André Glucksmann, ‘The 2004 TIME 100 – Bernard Kouchner’, Time, 26 April 2014.

       11 See, for instance Samuel Moyn, ‘A Powerless Companion: Human Rights in the Age of Neoliberalism’, Law and Contemporary Problems 77 (2015); Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism (New York: Picador, 2008).

       12 Upendra Baxi, The Future of Human Rights (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008).

       13 Makau Mutua, ‘Human Rights and Powerlessness: Pathologies of Choice and Substance Essay Collection: Classcrits: Part I: Thinking through Law’s Questions of Class, Economics, and Inequality’, Buffalo Law Review 56 (2008).

       14 Costas Douzinas, ‘Seven Theses on Human Rights: (3) Neoliberal Capitalism & Voluntary Imperialism’, Critical Legal Thinking (blog), 23 May 2013, at criticallegalthinking.com.

       15 Wendy Brown, ‘ “The Most We Can Hope For …”: Human Rights and the Politics of Fatalism’, South Atlantic Quarterly 103: 2 (10 June 2004).

       16 Susan Marks, ‘Human Rights and Root Causes’, Modern Law Review 74: 1 (January 2011).

       17 Philip Mirowski and Dieter Plehwe, eds, The Road from Mont Pèlerin: The Making of the Neoliberal Thought Collective (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009).

       18 Wendy Brown, Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism’s Stealth Revolution (Cambridge, MA: MIT, 2015), p. 31.

       19 Wendy Brown, ‘American Nightmare: Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism, and De-Democratization’, Political Theory 34: 6 (2006), p. 692.

       20 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto (London: Pluto, 2008), p. 37.

       21 Mitchell Dean, ‘Michel Foucault’s “Apology” for Neoliberalism’, Journal of Political Power 7: 3 (2 September 2014).

       22 Michel Foucault, The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the Collège de France 1978–1979, ed. Michel Senellart, transl. Graham Burchell (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 253–4.

       23 Ibid., pp. 259–60.

       24 For a brilliant account of Foucault’s mobilisation of the language of rights, see Ben Golder, Foucault and the Politics of Rights (Redwood City, CA: Stanford University Press, 2015). See also Jessica Whyte, ‘Human Rights: Confronting Governments? Michel Foucault and the Right to Intervene’, in Costas Douzinas, Matthew Stone and Illan Rua Wall, eds, New Critical Legal Thinking: Law and the Political (London: Routledge, 2012); and Jessica Whyte, ‘Is Revolution Desirable? Michel Foucault on Revolution, Neoliberalism and Rights’, in Ben Golder, ed., Re-Reading Foucault: On Law, Power and Rights (London: Routledge, 2012).

       25 Brown, Undoing the Demos, p. 17.

       26 Brown, ‘American Nightmare’, p. 702.

       27 Ibid., p. 709.

       28 Brown, Undoing the Demos, p. 42.

       29 Ibid., p. 111.

       30 Statement of Aims, in Dieter Plehwe, ‘Introduction’, in Mirowski and Plehwe, Road from Mont Pèlerin, pp. 24–5.

       31 Ibid., p. 5.

       32 Friedrich Hayek, The Road to Serfdom: Text and Documents, ed. Bruce Caldwell (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), p. 218.

       33 Wilhelm Röpke, The Social Crisis of Our Time, transl. Annette Schiffer Jacobsohn and Peter Schiffer Jacobsohn (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1950), p. 53.

       34 Gary S. Becker, A Treatise on the Family (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991); James M. Buchanan, Theory of Public Choice: Political Applications of Economics (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1972).

       35 Central to this sales pitch was the argument that individual freedom rested on three pillars: representative democracy, civil and religious liberty, and free private enterprise; take away one leg of this ‘tripod of freedom’, the representatives of business warned, and the whole edifice would crumble. Richard S. Tedlow, ‘The National Association of Manufacturers and Public Relations during the New Deal’, Business History Review 50, no. 1 (1976): p. 33.

       36 Friedrich Hayek, ‘The Moral Element in Free Enterprise’, Studies in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1967), p. 230.

       37 Friedrich Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. 2: The Mirage of Social Justice (London: Routledge, 1998), p. 67.

       38 Friedrich Hayek et al., Nobel Prize-Winning Economist Oral History Transcript, (Los Angeles: Oral History Program, University of California, Los Angeles, 1983), p. 282, at archive.org

       39 Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. 2, p. 27.

       40 Ibid., p. 144.

       41 Ibid., p. 113.

       42 Ibid.

       43 Ibid., n. 21, p. 188.

       44 Ibid., p. 60.

       45 Ludwig von Mises, Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis, transl. J. Kahane (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962), p. 62.

       46 Friedrich Hayek, ‘Epilogue: The Three Sources of Human Values’, in Friedrich Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty: A New Statement of the Liberal Principles of Justice and Political Economy, vol. 3: The Political Order of a Free People (London: Routledge, 1998), p. 155.

       47 Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. 2, p. 146. Hayek drew partly on the philosopher H. B. Acton’s defence of ‘the morals of markets’, in his 1971 book commissioned for the Institute for Economic Affairs by the Mont Pèlerin Society member Arthur Seldon. H. B. Acton, The Morals of Markets: An Ethical Exploration (London: Longman/IEA, 1971). He also relied on the work of the economic historian H.M. Robertson, whose 1933 study of the rise of economic individualism challenged Max Weber’s account of the Calvinist influence on the ‘spirit of capitalism’ and argued that it was the development of industry and commerce that had brought about a shift in morals, not vice versa. H.M. Robertson, Aspects of the Rise of Economic Individualism: A Criticism of Max Weber and his School (New York: Kelly and Milliman, 1959).

       48 Although Hayek hoped humanity would continue ‘gradually to approach’ a scenario in which the same rules applied to all humans, he warned that the attempt to realise this by allowing the free movement of people would re-awaken nationalist sentiments and set back the cause of freedom. While trade should be free to cross borders, the free movement of people remained an ‘ultimate ideal’ which should not be pursued impatiently. Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. 2, p. 57–8.

       49 Hayek, ‘Epilogue’, p. 168.

       50 Friedrich Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty: The Definitive Edition, ed. Ronald Hamowy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011), p. 112.

       51 Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. 2, p. 144.

       52 Ibid., p. 147.

       53 Hayek, ‘Epilogue’, p. 165.

       54 Albert O. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before Its Triumph (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013), p. xxii.

       55 Ibid., p. 52.

       56 Baron de Montesquieu, Baron, The Spirit of the Laws (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 48.

       57 Ibid., p. 338.

       58 Ibid.

       59 Ludwig von Mises, Human Action: A Treatise on Economics (San Francisco: Fox & Wilkes, 1996), p. 152.

       60 Friedrich Hayek, ‘The Confusion of Language in Political Thought’, Institute of Economic Affairs Occasional Papers no. 20 (1968), p. 29.

       61 Wilhelm Röpke, The Moral Foundations of Civil Society (New Brunswick: Transaction, 2002), p. 21.

       62 Milton Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), p. 23.

       63 Deirdre McCloskey, The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), p. 507. I take the question heading this subsection from the title of Talal Asad’s excellent essay: Talal Asad, ‘What Do Human Rights Do? An Anthropological Enquiry’, Theory and Event 4: 4 (2000).

       64 Kathryn Sikkink, Evidence for Hope: Making Human Rights Work in the 21st Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2017), p. 16.

       65 Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. 2, p. 103.

       66 David Levy, ‘Interview with Milton Friedman’, 1 June 1992, at minneapolisfed.org.

       67 Milton Friedman, ‘Passing Down the Chilean Recipe’, Foreign Affairs 73: 1 (1994), p. 177.

       68 Paul O’Connell, ‘On Reconciling Irreconcilables: Neo-Liberal Globalisation and Human Rights’, Human Rights Law Review 7: 3 (1 January 2007), p. 484.

       69 Judith Blaue and Alberto Moncado, Human Rights: A Primer (Paradigm, 2009), p. 15.

       70 David Kinley, Civilising Globalisation: Human Rights and the Global Economy (Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. xii. Kinley argues that human rights and economic globalisation are in fact indispensable to each other and to a project that he calls ‘civilising globalisation’. As I show, this ‘civilising’ mission is less innocent than it may appear.

       71 Plehwe, ‘Introduction’, p. 25.

       72 Liberal International, ‘Oxford Manifesto – 1947’, at liberal-international.org.

       73 Hayek, Road to Serfdom, p. 183.

       74 Ibid., p. 120.

       75 Mises, Socialism, p. 193.

       76 Ibid., p. 194.

       77 Mises, Human Action, p. 287.

       78 Hayek, Road to Serfdom, p. 136.

       79 Fredric Jameson, ‘Postmodernism and the Market’, in Ralph Miliband and Leo Panitch, Socialist Register 1990: The Retreat of the Intellectuals (Brecon: Merlin, 1990), p. 96.

       80 Mises, Human Action, p. 283.

       81 Moyn, ‘Powerless Companion’, p. 153.

       82 Samuel Moyn, Not Enough: Human Rights in an Unequal World (Harvard, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018), p. 175.

       83 Milton Friedman, ‘Neo-Liberalism and Its Prospects’, Farmand, 17 February 1951, p. 3.

       84 João Rodrigues, ‘The Political and Moral Economies of Neoliberalism: Mises and Hayek’, Cambridge Journal of Economics 37: 5 (1 September 2013), p. 1002.

       85 Hayek, Road to Serfdom, p. 87.

       86 Mises, Human Action, p. 258.

       87 In this sense, Brown is right that the contemporary liberal subject is so integrated into the goal of economic growth that she can easily be sacrificed to that end. And yet, rather than recent austerity politics ushering in a shift in neoliberal rationality ‘from limitless to constrained, from freedom to sacrifice’, as she puts it, the willingness to sacrifice individuals to the market was foundational to neoliberal thought. Brown, Undoing the Demos, p. 71.

       88 Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, vol. 1, transl. Ben Fowkes (London/New York: Penguin/New Left Review, 1981), p. 899.

       89 Mises, Human Action, p. 599.

       90 Ibid., p. 600.

       91 Ibid.

       92 Later, in the late 1940s, Mises rejected the label ‘neoliberal’ as implying a compromise with ‘interventionism’. Here, he clearly placed himself in the camp of the ‘neoliberals’ who rejected the classical liberal natural-law presuppositions. This is the direct translation of the neuen Liberalismus of the original German, published in 1927.

       93 Ludwig von Mises, Liberalism: The Classical Tradition, ed. Bettina Bien Greaves, transl. Ralph Raico (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2005), p. 9.

       94 Mohammed Bedjaoui, Towards a New International Economic Order (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1979), p. 249.

       95 Mises, Socialism, p. 77.

       96 Mises, Human Action, p. 149.

       97 Ibid., p. 257.

       98 John Locke, Two Treatises of Government and a Letter Concerning Toleration, ed. Ian Shapiro (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), p. 114.

       99 Mises, Human Action, p. 686.

       100 Quinn Slobodian, Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2018), p. 123.

       101 Karl Marx, ‘On the Jewish Question’, in Early Writings (London: Penguin, 2000).

       102 See in particular the collection Stephanie DeGooyer, Alastair Hunt, Lida Maxwell, Samuel Moyn and Astra Taylor, The Right to Have Rights (London: Verso, 2018).

       103 International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, ‘The Responsibility to Protect: Research, Bibliography, Background. Supplementary Volume to the Report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty’ (Ottawa: International Development Research Centre, 2001).

       104 Hayek, Road to Serfdom, p. 163.

       105 Mises, Human Action, p. 685.

       106 Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol 2, p. 149.

       107 Human Rights Watch, ‘About Us’, 21 April 2015, at hrw.org.

       108 ‘Statement of Aims’, Mont Pèlerin Society Records, Stanford: Hoover Institution Archives, 4 April 1947, Box 5, Folder 16.

       109 Ronald Reagan, ‘President Reagan’s 1986 State of the Union Address’ (US House of Representatives, 4 February 1986), at reaganlibrary.gov/february-1986.

       110 Pascal Lamy, ‘Lamy Calls for Mindset Change to Align Trade and Human Rights’, WTO, 13 January 2010, at wto.org.

       111 Michael Ignatieff, Human Rights as Politics and Idolatry (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001).

       112 E.-U. Petersmann, ‘Time for a United Nations “Global Compact” for Integrating Human Rights into the Law of Worldwide Organizations: Lessons from European Integration’, European Journal of International Law 13: 3 (1 April 2002), p. 621.

       113 Samuel Moyn, The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History (Cambridge: Belknap, 2010), p. 3.

       114 Hayek in Alan Ebenstein, Hayek’s Journey: The Mind of Friedrich Hayek (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 218.

       115 Aryeh Neier, The International Human Rights Movement: A History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012), p. 13.

       116 Kenneth Roth, ‘Defending Social and Economic Rights’, in International Human Rights (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 295.

       117 Jeanne Morefield, Empires Without Imperialism: Anglo-American Decline and the Politics of Deflection (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), p. 139.

       118 Susan Marks, ‘False Contingency’, Current Legal Problems 62: 1 (1 January 2009), p. 17.

       119 Golder, Foucault and the Politics of Rights, p. 88.

       120 Wilhelm Röpke, ‘Economic Order and International Law’, Recueil des Cours 86 (1954), p. 211. Slobodian uses the term ‘Geneva School’, to refer to a similar group of thinkers, drawing attention to the formal and informal relations that bound these thinkers to the Graduate Institute of International Studies, headed by Rappard, and to their shared ‘globalist’ focus on developing a new liberal order for the world. Slobodian, Globalists.

       121 Joseph R. Slaughter, ‘Hijacking Human Rights: Neoliberalism, the New Historiography, and the End of the Third World’, Human Rights Quarterly 40: 4 (2018); Paul O’Connell, ‘On the Human Rights Question’, Human Rights Quarterly 40: 4 (2018); Steven L. B. Jensen, The Making of International Human Rights: The 1960s, Decolonization, and the Reconstruction of Global Values (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016); Baxi, Future of Human Rights; Carol Anderson, Eyes Off the Prize: The United Nations and the African American Struggle for Human Rights, 1944–1955 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); Michael E. Goodhart, ed., Human Rights: Politics and Practice, 3rd edn (Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press, 2016).

       122 Kiran Kaur Grewal, The Socio-Political Practice of Human Rights: Between the Universal and the Particular (London: Routledge, 2016), p. 4; Karen Zivi, Making Rights Claims: A Practice of Democratic Citizenship (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), p. 42.

       123 Radha D’Souza, What’s Wrong with Rights? Social Movements, Law and Liberal Imaginations (London: Pluto, 2018).

       1. ‘The Central Values of Civilization Are in Danger’

 

       1 ‘Statement of Aims’, Mont Pèlerin Society Records, Stanford: Hoover Institution Archives, 4 April 1947, Box 5, Folder 16.

       2 Ibid.

       3 Friedrich Hayek, Studies in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), p. 150.

       4 Friedrich Hayek, The Road to Serfdom: Texts and Documents, ed. Bruce Caldwell (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), p. 44.

       5 Wilhelm Röpke, A Humane Economy: The Social Framework of the Free Market, transl. Elizabeth Henderson (Chicago: Institute for Philosophical and Historical Studies, 1961), p. 125.

       6 Hayek, Road to Serfdom, p. 68.

       7 Georgios Varouxakis, ‘The Godfather of “Occidentality”: Auguste Comte and the Idea of “The West”’, Modern Intellectual History, October 2017.

       8 Hayek, Road to Serfdom, p. 100.

       9 MPS ‘Draft Statement of Aims’ in Philip Mirowski and Dieter Plehwe, eds, The Road from Mont Pèlerin: The Making of the Neoliberal Thought Collective (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009), p. 23.

       10 Johannes Morsink, The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: Origins, Drafting, and Intent (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), p. 96.

       11 Makau Mutua, Human Rights: A Political and Cultural Critique (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002), p. 155.

       12 Jack Donnelly, ‘Human Rights: A New Standard of Civilization?’, International Affairs 74: 1 (January 1998), p. 5.

       13 International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, ‘The Responsibility to Protect: Research, Bibliography, Background. Supplementary Volume to the Report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty’ (Ottawa: International Development Research Centre, 2001), p. 11.

       14 Dierdre McCloskey, The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), pp. 26, 31.

       15 David Kinley, Civilising Globalisation: Human Rights and the Global Economy (Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 3.

       16 Daniel Pipes, ‘The Rise of Western Civilisationism’, Australian, 14 April 2018.

       17 Wilhelm Röpke, International Economic Disintegration (London: William Hodge, 1942), p. 72.

       18 Vladimir Koretsky (USSR), ‘Summary Record of the Third Meeting of the Drafting Committee of the Commission on Human Rights’, 11 June 1947, in William A. Schabas, ed., The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: The Travaux Préparatoires, Vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), p. 728.

       19 Ibid., p. 732.

       20 Geoffrey Wilson (UK), in Ibid., p. 732.

       21 Division of Human Rights, ‘Textual Comparison of the Draft International Bill of Human Rights submitted by the Delegation of the United Kingdom to the Drafting Committee of the Commission on Human Rights, and the Draft Outline of an International Bill of Rights’ in Schabas, The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 1, p. 327.

       22 Ian Hunter, ‘Spatialisations of Justice in the Law of Nature and Nations: Pufendorf, Vattel and Kant’, unpublished draft paper, n.d. – available at researchgate.net.

       23 Martti Koskenniemi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations: The Rise and Fall of International Law 1870–1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 138.

       24 Gerrit W. Gong, The Standard of ‘Civilization’ in International Society (Oxford: Clarendon, 1984), p. 36.

       25 See Antony Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty and the Making of International Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 85.

       26 Gong, The Standard of ‘Civilization’, p. 27.

       27 Ntina Tzouvala, ‘Civilisation’, in Jean d’Aspremont and Sahib Singh, eds, Concepts for International Law: Contributions to Disciplinary Thought (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2018).

       28 Antony Anghie, ‘Civilization and Commerce: The Concept of Governance in Historical Perspective’, Villanova Law Review 45: 5 (2000), p. 904.

       29 Adolph Reed Jr, ‘Marx, Race, and Neoliberalism’, New Labor Forum 22: 1 (2013), p. 49.

       30 James Lorimer, The Institutes of Law: A Treatise of the Principles of Jurisprudence as Determined by Nature (Edinburgh: T. & T. Law, 1872), p. 53.

       31 Ibid., p. 204.

       32 Gerry Simpson, ‘James Lorimer and the Character of Sovereigns: The Institutes as 21st Century Treatise’, European Journal of International Law 27: 2 (2016), p. 434.

       33 Lorimer, Institutes of Law, pp. 395–6.

       34 Cited in Martti Koskenniemi, ‘Race, Hierarchy and International Law: Lorimer’s Legal Science’, European Journal of International Law 27: 2 (2016).

       35 The internal citation is to the biblical passage Mathew 26.

       36 Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty and the Making of International Law, p. 67.

       37 Gong, Standard of ‘Civilization’, p. 52.

       38 ‘Cecil Rhodes’s Great Speech’, Examiner, 13 November 1900.

       39 Eleanor Roosevelt (Chair), ‘Summary Record of the Third Meeting of the Drafting Committee of the Commission on Human Rights’, 11 June 1947, in Schabas, The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 1, p. 732.

       40 William Rappard, ‘Opening Address to the Mont Pèlerin Society’, Mont Pèlerin Founding Meeting, Mont Pèlerin: Hoover Institution Archives, 1947, Box 5, Folder 12.

       41 Ibid.

       42 For an excellent historical account of the mandates, see Susan Pedersen, The Guardians: The League of Nations and the Crisis of Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015).

       43 League of Nations, ‘The Covenant of the League of Nations (Including Amendments Adopted to December, 1924)’ (The Avalon Project, Yale Law School, 1924), at avalon.law.yale.edu.

       44 William Rappard, ‘The Practical Working of the Mandates System’, Journal of the British Institute of International Affairs 4: 5 (1925), p. 211.

       45 Cited in Angus Burgin, The Great Persuasion: Reinventing Free Markets since the Depression (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2012), p. 93.

       46 Plehwe, ‘Introduction’, in Mirowski and Plehwe, Road from Mont Pèlerin, p. 13. Quinn Slobodian refers to the branch of neoliberalism that emerged around Rappard as the ‘Geneva School’ neoliberals, and notes their shared preoccupation with world order. Quinn Slobodian, Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2018).

       47 Albert Hunold, ‘Preface’, in Albert Hunold, ed., Freedom and Serfdom: An Anthology of Western Thought (Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1961), p. 7.

       48 Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty and the Making of International Law, p. 136.

       49 Sir Arnold McNair’s advisory opinion to the ICJ (1950) in Carsten Stahn, The Law and Practice of International Territorial Administration: Versailles to Iraq and Beyond (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), p. 88.

       50 Edmund Burke, The Writings and Speeches of Edmund Burke, Vol. 5: India: Madras and Bengal: 1774–1785, ed. P.J. Marshall and William B Todd (Oxford University Press, 1981).

       51 Ibid.

       52 William Rappard, ‘Foreword’, in Benjamin Gerig, ed., The Open Door and the Mandates System: A Study of Economic Equality before and since the Establishment of the Mandates System (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1930), p. 11.

       53 Rappard, ‘Practical Working of the Mandates System’, p. 211.

       54 Benjamin Gerig, The Open Door and the Mandates System: A Study of Economic Equality before and since the Establishment of the Mandates System (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1930), p. 169.

       55 Rappard, ‘Practical Working of the Mandates System’, p. 222.

       56 Slobodian provides a rich account of the role of neoliberals in the founding of the WTO in, Globalists.

       57 William Rappard, ‘Human Rights in Mandated Territories’, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 243: 1 (1946), p. 118.

       58 Ibid., p. 119.

       59 William Rappard, ‘The Mandates and the International Trusteeship Systems’, Political Science Quarterly 61: 3 (1946), p. 412. As Susan Pedersen notes, most of these ‘independent experts’ had close ties to their own governments, or were under instruction from them. Pedersen, The Guardians, p. 2.

       60 Rappard, ‘Human Rights in Mandated Territories’, p. 122.

       61 Teemu Ruskola, Legal Orientalism: China, the United States, and Modern Law (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013), p. 125.

       62 Henry Wheaton, Elements of International Law: With a Sketch of the History of the Science (Philadelphia: Carey, Lea & Blanchard, 1836).

       63 Eleanor Roosevelt, On My Own (New York: Harper, 1958), p. 77.

       64 Ibid.

       65 Jun Zhao, ‘China and the Uneasy Case for Universal Human Rights’, Human Rights Quarterly 37: 1 (2015), pp. 32–3.

       66 Morsink, Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

       67 The idea of an ‘overlapping consensus’ comes from John Rawls, and has been applied to human rights by scholars including Martha Nussbaum and Charles Taylor. See Charles R. Beitz, The Idea of Human Rights (Oxford: Oxford University Press Oxford, 2011), p. 76.

       68 Jamil Baroody (Saudi Arabia), ‘Summary Record of the Ninety-First Meeting of the Third Committee’, 2 October 1948, in Schabas, The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 3, p. 2057.

       69 Adamantia Pollis and Peter Schwab, ‘Chapter 1: Human Rights: A Western Construct with Limited Applicability’, in Adamantia Pollis and Peter Schwab, eds, Human Rights: Cultural and Ideological Perspectives (New York/London: Praeger, 1980).

       70 Mutua, Human Rights, p. 154.

       71 Brett Bowden and Leonard Seabrooke, Global Standards of Market Civilization (London: Routledge, 2006), p. 6.

       72 Aimé Césaire, Discourse on Colonialism, transl. Joan Pinkham (New York: Monthly Review, 1972), p. 3.

       73 Ibid., p. 3.

       74 In contrast, Marco Duranti has decisively demonstrated the influence of this latter conception on the drafting of the European Convention of Human Rights. Marco Duranti, The Conservative Human Rights Revolution: European Identity, Transnational Politics, and the Origins of the European Convention (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).

       75 Wilhelm Röpke, International Order and Economic Integration (Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1959), pp. 48–50.

       76 Jörg Guido Hülsmann, Mises: The Last Knight of Liberalism (Auburn: Ludwig von Mises Institute, 2007), p. 685.

       77 In Richard M. Ebeling, Monetary and Economic Policy Problems Before, During, and After the Great War (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2012), p. lvi.

       78 Ludwig von Mises, Liberalism: The Classical Tradition, ed. Bettina Bien Greaves, transl. Ralph Raico (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2005), p. 30.

       79 Ibid.

       80 Ibid.

       81 Hülsmann, Mises, p. 465.

       82 Richard M. Ebeling, ‘Mises the Man and His Monetary Policy Ideas Based on His “Lost Papers”’, Mises Wire, 7 April 2018, at mises.org.

       83 Ludwig von Mises, ‘Observations on Professor Hayek’s Plan’, Libertarian Papers 1: 2 (2009), p. 1.

       84 Eugen Maria Schulak and Herbert Unterköfler, The Austrian School of Economics: A History of Its Ideas, Ambassadors, and Institutions, transl. Arlene Oost-Zinner (Auburn: Ludwig von Mises Institute, 2011), p. 4.

       85 Ludwig von Mises, ‘On the History of German Democracy’, Bettina Bien Greaves, ed., in Nation, State, and Economy, transl. Leland B. Yeager (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2006), p. 102.

       86 Ibid., p. 102.

       87 Pieter M. Judson, The Habsburg Empire (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 2016), 73.

       88 Mises, ‘On the History of German Democracy’, p. 94.

       89 Ibid., p. 95.

       90 Sigmund Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents (New York: W. W. Norton, 2017), p. 70.

       91 Ludwig von Mises, Human Action: A Treatise on Economics (San Francisco: Fox & Wilkes, 1996), p. 10.

       92 Ludwig von Mises, Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis, transl. J. Kahane (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1962), p. 308.

       93 Ludwig von Mises, Theory and History: An Interpretation of Social and Economic Evolution (Auburn: Ludwig von Mises Institute, 2007), p. 167.

       94 Adam Ferguson, An Essay on the History of Civil Society, ed. Fania Oz-Salzberger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 74.

       95 Albert O. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before Its Triumph (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013), p. 60.

       96 Ibid.

       97 Mises, Socialism, p. 325.

       98 Reed, ‘Marx, Race, and Neoliberalism’.

       99 Mises, Human Action.

       100 Mises, Socialism, p. 326.

       101 Ludwig von Mises, The Anti-Capitalistic Mentality (Auburn: Ludwig von Mises Institute, 2008), p. 102.

       102 Ibid., p. 103.

       103 Mises, Theory and History, p. 376.

       104 Ibid.

       105 Ibid.

       106 Ferguson, Essay on the History of Civil Society, p. 107.

       107 Mises, Socialism, p. 511.

       108 Mises, Human Action, p. 671.

       109 Ibid.

       110 Mises, Socialism, p. 512.

       111 Eucken, cited in Nils Goldschmidt, ‘Walter Eucken’s Place in the History of Ideas’, Review of Austrian Economics 26: 2 (2013), p. 143.

       112 Milton Friedman, ‘Neo-Liberalism and Its Prospects’, Farmand, 17 February 1951.

       113 Antonio Masala, ‘Wilhelm Röpke and Alexander Rüstow in Turkey: A Missed Legacy?’ (Istanbul: Yildiz Technical University, 2016).

       114 Alexander Rüstow, ‘Appendix’, in Röpke International Economic Disintegration, p. 270.

       115 Ibid.

       116 Röpke, International Economic Disintegration, p. 70.

       117 Ibid., p. 70.

       118 Ibid., p. 67.

       119 Ibid., p. 72.

       120 Ibid., p. 74.

       121 Wilhelm Röpke, Economics of the Free Society, transl. Patrick M. Boarman (Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1963), p. 49.

       122 Röpke, International Economic Disintegration, p. 72.

       123 Mises, Human Action, p. 173.

       124 Wilhelm Röpke, The Moral Foundations of Civil Society (New Brunswick: Transaction, 2002), p. 5.

       125 Rüstow, ‘Appendix’, p. 280.

       126 Samuel Moyn, Christian Human Rights (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015), p. 8.

       127 Ibid., p. 9.

       128 Friedrich Hayek, Studies in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), p. 155.

       129 Wilhelm Röpke, ‘Liberalism and Christianity’, Modern Age 1: 2 (1957), p. 128.

       130 Jessica Whyte, ‘The Invisible Hand of Friedrich Hayek: Submission and Spontaneous Order’, Political Theory, 7 November 2017.

       131 Hayek, Road to Serfdom, p. 211.

       132 Friedrich Hayek, ‘ “Conscious” Direction and the Growth of Reason’, in The Collected Works of F. A. Hayek: Studies on the Abuse and Decline of Reason, vol. 13 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010), p. 154.

       133 Ibid.

       134 Frank H. Knight, ‘World Justice, Socialism and the Intellectuals’, University of Chicago Law Review 16: 3 (1949), p. 440.

       135 Röpke, International Order and Economic Integration, p. 60.

       136 Ibid., pp. 60, 74.

       137 Mises, Socialism, p. 461.

       138 Hunold, ‘Preface’, p. 7.

       139 On ciphers, see Alexandre Lefebvre, Human Rights and the Care of the Self (London: Duke University Press, 2018), p. 161; Charles Malik, ‘Human Rights and Religious Liberty’, Ecumenical Review 1: 4 (1949), p. 408.

       140 Charles Malik, ‘Call to Action in the Near East’, Foreign Affairs, 34:4 (1956), p. 640.

       141 Ibid.

       142 Charles Malik, ‘The Near East: The Search for Truth’, Foreign Affairs 30: 2 (1952), p. 256.

       143 For the former, see Paul Gordon Lauren, The Evolution of International Human Rights: Visions Seen (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011). For the latter, see Kathryn Sikkink, Evidence for Hope: Making Human Rights Work in the 21st Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2017).

       144 Talal Asad, ‘What Do Human Rights Do? An Anthropological Enquiry’, Theory and Event 4: 4 (2000).

       145 Lauren, Evolution of International Human Rights, p. 207.

       146 Edward W. Said, Out of Place: A Memoir (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1999), p. 263.

       147 Ali A. Allawi, The Crisis of Islamic Civilization (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), p. 189.

       148 Malik, ‘Near East’, Foreign Affairs 30: 2 (1952), p. 239.

       149 Charles Malik, ‘The Relations of East and West’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 97: 1 (1953), p. 1.

       150 Mary Ann Glendon, ‘The Influence of Catholic Social Doctrine on Human Rights’, in 15th Plenary Session (Catholic Social Doctrine and Human Rights, Vatican City: Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, 2010), p. 70.

       151 Charles Malik, ‘Some Reflections on Technical and Economic Assistance’, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists X: 3 (1954), p. 96.

       152 Tobias Kelly, ‘A Divided Conscience’, Public Culture 30: 3 (1 September 2018), p. 375.

       153 Malik, ‘Human Rights and Religious Liberty’, p. 404.

       154 Malik, ‘Relations of East and West’, p. 2.

       155 Sikkink, Evidence for Hope, p. 86.

       156 Fawwaz Traboulsi, A History of Modern Lebanon (London: Pluto, 2007), p. 83.

       157 Glenn Mitoma, ‘Charles H. Malik and Human Rights: Notes on a Biography’, Biography 33: 1 (12 June 2010), p. 227; Abdulaziz M. Alwasil, ‘Saudi Arabia’s Engagement in, and Interaction with, the UN Human Rights System: An Analytical Review’, International Journal of Human Rights 14: 7 (27 May 2010).

       158 Baroody, ‘Summary Record of the Hundred and Twenty-Seventh Meeting of the Third Committee’, 9 November 1948, in Schabas, The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 3, p. 2489.

       159 Peng Chun Chang (China), in ibid., p. 2496.

       160 Lydia He Liu, The Clash of Empires (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), p. 134.

       161 Brian Stanley, ‘ “Commerce and Christianity”: Providence Theory, the Missionary Movement, and the Imperialism of Free Trade, 1842–1860’, Historical Journal 26: 1 (1983), p. 90.

       162 Baroody, in ibid., p. 2502.

       163 Mitoma, ‘Charles H. Malik and Human Rights’, p. 229.

       164 Robert Vitalis, America’s Kingdom: Mythmaking on the Saudi Oil Frontier (Redwood City, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007), p. 39.

       165 Malik, ‘Human Rights and Religious Liberty’, p. 406.

       166 Linde Lindkvist, Religious Freedom and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), p. 80.

       167 Talal Asad, On Suicide Bombing (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), p. 10.

       168 Mohammed Zafrullah Khan (Pakistan), ‘Verbatim Record of the Hundred and Eighty-Second Plenary Meeting of the United Nations General Assembly’, 10 December 1948, in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 3, 3054. Lindkvist, Religious Freedom, p. 64.

       169 Mutua, Human Rights, p. 100.

       170 Vitalis, America’s Kingdom, p. 6.

       171 Jamil M. Baroody, ‘Economic Problems of the Arab East’, Problems of the Middle East (New York, 1947), p. 2.

       172 Ibid., p. 3.

       173 Cited in Lindkvist, Religious Freedom, p. 99.

       174 Friedrich Hayek, ‘Individualism: True and False’, in Individualism and Economic Order (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958), p. 14 (emphases in original).

       175 Malik, ‘Near East’, p. 256.

       176 Mark Mazower, ‘The End of Civilization and the Rise of Human Rights’, in Stefan-Ludwig Hoffman, ed., Human Rights in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 37.

       177 Ibid.

       178 Charles Malik, ‘Human Rights in the United Nations’, International Journal 6: 4 (1951), p. 278. This text is based on a lecture that Malik gave in 1945.

       2. There Is No Such Thing as ‘the Economy’: On Social and Economic Rights

 

       1 Friedrich Hayek, ‘Justice and Individual Rights: Appendix to Chapter Nine’, in Friedrich Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty: A New Statement of the Liberal Principles of Justice and Political Economy, 2: The Mirage of Social Justice (London: Routledge, 1998), p. 103. This essay was first published in 1966 in the seventy-fifth anniversary issue of the Norwegian journal Farmand (Oslo, 1966) with the title ‘Misconception of Human Rights as Positive Claims’.

       2 Ibid.

       3 Neier, The International Human Rights Movement: A History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), p. 59.

       4 Hayek, ‘Justice and Individual Rights’, p. 105.

       5 Ibid., pp. 101–2.

       6 Philip Alston, ‘US Ratification of the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights: The Need for an Entirely New Strategy’, American Journal of International Law 84: 2 (April 1990), p. 366.

       7 Ibid.

       8 Neier, International Human Rights Movement, p. 59.

       9 Aryeh Neier, ‘Social and Economic Rights: A Critique’, Human Rights Brief 13: 2 (2006), p. 2.

       10 Carrera Andrade (Ecuador), ‘Verbatim Record of the Hundred and Eighty-Second Plenary Meeting of the United Nations General Assembly’, 10 December 1948, in William A. Schabas, ed., The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: The Travaux Préparatoires, vol. 3, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), p. 246.

       11 Peng Chun Chang (China), ‘Summary Record of the Fourteenth Meeting of the Commission on Human Rights’, 4 February 1947, in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 1, p. 201.

       12 Hernando Santa Cruz (Chile), ‘Summary Record of the Sixty-Ninth Meeting of the Economic and Social Council’, 14 March 1947, in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 1, p. 246.

       13 Ludwig von Mises, Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis, transl. J. Kahane (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1962), p. 58.

       14 Ljubomir Radovanovic (Yugoslavia), ‘Verbatim Record of the Hundred and Eighty-Third Plenary Meeting of the United Nations General Assembly’, 10 December 1948, in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 3, p. 3074.

       15 Ibid.

       16 Ibid.

       17 Hannah Arendt, On Revolution (London: Penguin, 1990), p. 24.

       18 Samuel Moyn, Not Enough: Human Rights in an Unequal World (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2018), p. 58.

       19 Charles Dukeston (UK), cited in Johannes Morsink, The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: Origins, Drafting, and Intent (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), p. 223.

       20 Michael Klekovin (USSR), cited in Morsink, Universal Declaration, p. 224.

       21 Cited in Morsink, Universal Declaration, p. 224.

       22 For a powerful account of Marshall on the status of freedom, see Anna Yeatman, ‘Gender, Social Policy and the Idea of the Welfare State’, in Sheila Shaver, ed., Gender and Social Policy (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2018).

       23 The following chapter is devoted to the conflicts over colonialism during the human rights drafting process.

       24 Friedrich Hayek, The Road to Serfdom: Texts and Documents, ed. Bruce Caldwell (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), p. 100.

       25 Ibid.

       26 Friedrich Hayek, ‘The Confusion of Language in Political Thought’, Institute of Economic Affairs Occasional Papers No. 20 (1968), p. 28.

       27 Ibid., p. 16.

       28 Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), p. 27.

       29 The term was initially used by the nineteenth-century political economist Richard Whately in an attempt to free the new science of political economy from its association with the less than elevated concerns of the household. Richard Whately, ‘Introductory Lectures on Political Economy’, Online Library of Liberty, 1831, at oll. libertyfund.org.

       30 John Stuart Mill, ‘On the Definition of Political Economy; and on the Method of Investigation Proper to It’, Essays on Some Unsettled Questions of Political Economy (London: Batoche Books, 2010); Gunnar Myrdal, The Political Element in the Development of Economic Theory, transl. Paul Streeten (London: Routledge, 2002), p. 16.

       31 Ibid., p. 146.

       32 Arendt, Human Condition, p. 28.

       33 Ludwig von Mises, Economic Calculation in the Socialist Commonwealth, transl. S. Adler (Auburn: Ludwig von Mises Institute, 2012), p. 15.

       34 Ortega y Gasset was invited to the Walter Lippmann Colloquium, but was unable to attend. Jurgen Reinhoudt and Serge Audier, eds, The Walter Lippmann Colloquium: The Birth of Neo-Liberalism (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018); José Ortega y Gasset, The Revolt of the Masses (London: Unwin Books, 1969), p. 11.

       35 Wilhelm Röpke, The Social Crisis of Our Time, transl. Annette Schiffer Jacobsohn and Peter Schiffer Jacobsohn (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1950 [1942]), p. 41.

       36 Hayek, Road to Serfdom, p. 183.

       37 Alexander Rüstow, Freedom and Domination: A Historical Critique of Civilization, ed. Dankwart A. Rüstow, transl. Salvador Attanasio (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978), p. 341.

       38 Walter Eucken, The Foundations of Economics: History and Theory in the Analysis of Economic Reality, transl. T. W. Hutchison (Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 1992), p. 92.

       39 Arendt, On Revolution, p. 74.

       40 Ibid., p. 60.

       41 Friedrich Hayek, ‘Individualism: True and False’, in Friedrich Hayek, Individualism and Economic Order (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958), p. 31.

       42 Bertrand de Jouvenel, On Power: Its Nature and the History of Its Growth (Boston: Beacon, 1962), p. 229.

       43 Ibid., p. 309.

       44 Ibid.

       45 Ibid., p. 330.

       46 Ibid., p. 350.

       47 Ibid.

       48 Hayek, Road to Serfdom, p. 210.

       49 Hayek, ‘Justice and Individual Rights’, pp. 103–4; Friedrich Hayek, ‘Epilogue: The Three Sources of Human Values’, in Law, Legislation and Liberty, p. 203.

       50 Hayek, ‘Justice and Individual Rights’, p. 104.

       51 Tompkins Bates, The Making of Black Detroit in the Age of Henry Ford (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2013), p. 156.

       52 Franklin D. Roosevelt, ‘Campaign Address at Detroit, Michigan’, ed. Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, American Presidency Project, 1932, at presidency.ucsb.edu.

       53 Norberto Bobbio, Liberalism and Democracy (London: Verso, 2005), p. 17.

       54 Roosevelt, ‘Campaign Address at Detroit, Michigan’.

       55 Lisa Tilley and Robbie Shilliam, ‘Raced Markets: An Introduction’, New Political Economy 23: 5 (2017), p. 535.

       56 Beth Tompkins Bates, The Making of Black Detroit in the Age of Henry Ford (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press), p. 159.

       57 Roosevelt, ‘Campaign Address at Detroit, Michigan’.

       58 Cited in Wilhelm Röpke, A Humane Economy: The Social Framework of the Free Market, transl. Elizabeth Henderson (Chicago: Institute for Philosophical and Historical Studies, 1961), p. 163.

       59 Cited in ibid., p. 177.

       60 Röpke, Social Crisis of Our Time, p. 165.

       61 Melinda Cooper, Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism (New York: Zone, 2017), p. 8.

       62 Wendy Brown, ‘American Nightmare: Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism, and De-Democratization’, Political Theory 34: 6 (2006), pp. 691, 703.

       63 Philip Mirowski and Dieter Plehwe, eds, The Road from Mont Pèlerin: The Making of the Neoliberal Thought Collective (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009).

       64 Quinn Slobodian provides an excellent account of the embrace of Röpke by the US New Right in the 1960s. Quinn Slobodian, Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2018), pp. 146–81. And Miriam Bankovsky’s groundbreaking work on the household economics of Alfred Marshall shows that early neoclassical welfare economics in the United States also had its own ethical account of the family as central to the training of ‘moral sensibility’ and the cultivation of an understanding of the social value of work. Miriam Bankovsky, Alfred Marshall’s Household Economics: The Role of the Family in Cultivating an Ethical Capitalism’, Cambridge Journal of Economics 43: 1 (17 January 2019).

       65 Wilhelm Röpke, International Economic Disintegration (London: William Hodge, 1942), p. 239.

       66 Ibid., p. 238.

       67 Ibid., p. 240.

       68 Ibid.

       69 Nancy Fraser and Linda Gordon, ‘ “Dependency” Demystified: Inscriptions of Power in a Keyword of the Welfare State’, Social Politics 1: 1 (1994).

       70 Friedrich Hayek, ‘The Discipline of Abstract Rules and the Emotions of the Tribal Society’, in Law, Legislation and Liberty: A New Statement of the Liberal Principles of Justice and Political Economy (London: Routledge, 1998), p. 146.

       71 ‘The Taming of the Savage’ was Hayek’s plan for the title of his final book, which was ultimately published as ‘The Fatal Conceit’. See Alan Ebenstein, Hayek’s Journey: The Mind of Friedrich Hayek (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 225.

       72 Röpke, International Economic Disintegration, p. 241, n. 2. Röpke was referring here to the work of Marcel Dutheil in his book La population allemande; les variations du phénomène démographique, leur influence sur la civilisation occidentale (Paris: Payot, 1937).

       73 Saidiya V. Hartman, Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery, and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 119.

       74 David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London: Verso, 2007), p. 14.

       75 On the genealogy of dependence as a keyword in welfare politics in the United States, see Fraser and Gordon, ‘ “Dependency” Demystified’.

       76 Ronald Reagan, ‘Address Before a Joint Session of Congress on the State of the Union,’ The American Presidency Project, 4 February 1986, https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/address-before-joint-session-congress-the-state-the-union.

       77 Röpke, Social Crisis of Our Time, p. 16.

       78 Cited in Röpke, Humane Economy, p. 159.

       79 Ibid., p. 170.

       80 Ibid., p. 155.

       81 Louis Rougier, ‘Address by Professor Louis Rougier’, in Reinhoudt and Audier, Walter Lippmann Colloquium, p. 101.

       82 William Rappard, ‘The Relation of the Individual to the State’, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 189: 1 (1937), p. 216.

       83 Hayek, Road to Serfdom, p. 154.

       84 Cited in Röpke, Humane Economy, p. 163.

       85 See Cooper, Family Values.

       86 In the major history of the drafting of the UDHR, Johannes Morsink argues that the ‘women’s lobby’ largely expunged sexist language from the declaration, and that this ‘oversight’ does not detract from the commitment of the drafters to equality between the sexes. Morsink, Universal Declaration, p. 120.

       87 Valerie Bryson, ‘Feminism Between the Wars’, in Roger Eatwell and Anthony Wright, eds, Contemporary Political Ideologies (London: Continuum, 1999), p. 211.

       88 Alexandra Kollontai, ‘Communism and the Family’, Worker, 1920. Alexandre Bogomolov cited in Morsink, Universal Declaration, p. 254.

       89 Inter-American Juridical Committee, ‘Draft Declaration of the International Rights and Duties of Man’ (Rio de Janeiro: United Nations Economic and Social Council, 8 January 1947), at un.org.

       90 Cited in Brian A. W. Simpson, Human Rights and the End of Empire: Britain and the Genesis of the European Convention (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 364.

       91 Glenda Sluga, ‘René Cassin: Les Droits de l’homme and the Universality of Human Rights, 1945–1966’, in Stefan-Ludwig Hoffman, ed., Human Rights in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), p. 116.

       92 Hayek, ‘Justice and Individual Rights’, p. 105.

       93 International Labour Organization, ‘Constitution of the International Labour Organization (ILO)’ (1919), at ilo.org.

       94 Glenda Sluga, Internationalism in the Age of Nationalism (Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), p. 124.

       95 International Labour Organization, ‘Family Allowances: The Remuneration of Labour According to Need’, Series D (Wages and Hours) (Geneva, 1924).

       96 Ibid., p. 14.

       97 Roosevelt ultimately accepted the inclusion of rights to ‘food, clothing, housing and medical care’. ‘Summary Record of the Seventy-First Meeting of the Commission on Human Rights, 14 June 1948, in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 2, p. 1872.

       98 Allida Black, ed., The Eleanor Roosevelt Papers, vol. I: The Human Rights Years, 1945–1948 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2010), p. 754.

       99 Ibid.

       100 ‘United States Proposals Regarding an International Bill of Rights’, 28 January 1947, in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 1, p. 103 (my emphasis).

       101 In contrast, Moyn sees the minimalist focus on basic needs that became prominent later as a break with the prevalent welfarism and egalitarianism that informed the drafting of the UDHR, Moyn, Not Enough.

       102 Patricia Clavin, ‘What’s in a Living Standard? Bringing Society and Economy Together in the ILO and the League of Nations Depression Delegation, 1938–1945’, in Sandrine Kott and Joëlle Droux, eds, Globalizing Social Rights: The International Labour Organization and Beyond (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), p. 243.

       103 Victoria De Grazia, Irresistible Empire: America’s Advance through Twentieth-Century Europe (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 2005), p. 79.

       104 Corinne A. Pernet, ‘Developing Nutritional Standards and Food Policy: Latin American Reformers between the ILO, the League of Nations Health Organization, and the Pan-American Sanitary Bureau’, in Sandrine Kott and Joëlle Droux, eds, Globalizing Social Rights: The International Labour Organization and Beyond (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), p. 257.

       105 Frank McDougall cited in Patricia Clavin, Securing the World Economy: The Reinvention of the League of Nations, 1920–1946 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013).

       106 Allida Black, ed., Eleanor Roosevelt Papers, vol. I, p. 709.

       107 Moyn, Not Enough.

       108 Cited in Morsink, Universal Declaration, p. 227.

       109 Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, ‘Statement on Visit to the USA, by Professor Philip Alston, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights*’, 15 December 2017, at ohchr.org; Étienne Balibar, ‘ “Rights of Man” and “Rights of the Citizen”’, in Étienne Balibar, Masses, Classes, Ideas: Studies on Philosophy and Politics Before and After Marx (London: Routledge, 1994).

       110 Jiri Nosek (Czechoslovakia) ‘Summary Record of the Hundred and Thirty-Eighth Meeting of the Third Committee’, 15 November 1948, in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 3, p. 2588.

       111 Jun Zhao, ‘China and the Uneasy Case for Universal Human Rights’, Human Rights Quarterly 37: 1 (2015), p. 37.

       112 Yifeng Chen, ‘The International Labour Organisation and Labour Governance in China 1919–1949’, in Roger Blanpain, ed., China and ILO Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work (Alphen aan den Rijn: Kluwer Law International, 2014), p. 21.

       113 Alexei Pavlov (USSR), ‘Summary Record of the Seventy-First Meeting of the Commission on Human Rights’, 14 June 1948, in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 2, p. 1874.

       114 Ibid., p. 1875.

       115 Mark B. Smith, ‘Social Rights in the Soviet Dictatorship: The Constitutional Right to Welfare from Stalin to Brezhnev’, Humanity 3: 3 (2012), p. 388.

       116 William Rappard, ‘On Reading von Mises’, in Mary Sennholz, ed., On Freedom and Free Enterprise: Essays in Honor of Ludwig von Mises (Auburn: Ludwig von Mises Institute, 2008), p. 19.

       117 Röpke, Social Crisis of Our Time, p. 164.

       118 International Labour Organization, ‘Family Allowances’, p. 21.

       119 Statement of Aims of the MPS, cited in Dieter Plehwe, ‘Introduction’, in Philip Mirowski and Dieter Plehwe, eds, The Road from Mont Pèlerin: The Making of the Neoliberal Thought Collective (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009), p. 25.

       120 Rougier, ‘Address by Professor Louis Rougier’, p. 101.

       121 Walter Lippmann, The Good Society (London: Billing & Sons, 1943), p. 208.

       122 Ibid., p. 228.

       123 Eucken cited in Slobodian, Globalists, p. 205.

       124 Röpke, Social Crisis of Our Time, p. 160.

       125 Ibid., p. 161.

       126 The latter circulated a long paper for the panel but did not present it.

       127 Walter Hagenbuch, ‘The Welfare State and Social Policy’, 9th Mont Pèlerin Society Meeting, Princeton: Hoover Institution Archives, 1958, Box 12, Folder 5, p. 8.

       128 Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska, ‘Rationing, Austerity and the Conservative Party Recovery after 1945’, Historical Journal 37: 1 (1994), p. 180.

       129 Röpke, Humane Economy, p. 58.

       130 Ibid., p. 113.

       131 Ibid., p. 119.

       132 Wilhelm Röpke, ‘Discussion on the Welfare State’, 9th Mont Pèlerin Society Meeting, Princeton: Hoover Institution Archives, 1958, Box 12, Folder 6, p. 2.

       133 Röpke, Humane Economy, p. 166.

       134 Grede, ‘Moral Effects of the Welfare State’, 9th Mont Pèlerin Society meeting, Princeton: Hoover Institution Archives, 1958, Box 12, Folder 6, pp. 2–3.

       135 For a typical example, see Hans-Hermann Hoppe, ‘Why Mises (and Not Hayek)?’, Mises Daily, 4 October 2011, at mises.org.

       136 Hayek, Road to Serfdom, p. 150.

       137 Ibid., p. 150.

       138 Ibid., p. 148.

       139 Ian Hacking, The Taming of Chance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

       140 Hayek joined the fray alongside Mises, who argued that rational planning was impossible in the absence of private ownership of capital goods and a system of market prices. See Mises, Economic Calculation.

       141 Otto Neurath, ‘Inventory of the Standard of Living’ [1937] Thomas E. Uebel and Robert S. Cohen eds, Economic Writings: Selections 1904–1945, (Dordrecht: Springer Science and Business Media, 2006).

       142 Michel Foucault, The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the Collège de France 1978–1979, ed. Michel Senellart, transl. Graham Burchell (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), p. 283.

       143 Friedrich Hayek, ‘The Use of Knowledge in Society’, American Economic Review 35: 4 (1945), p. 520.

       144 Ludwig von Mises, Human Action: A Treatise on Economics (San Francisco: Fox & Wilkes, 1996), p. 604.

       145 Mike Hill and Warren Montag, The Other Adam Smith (Redwood City, CA: Stanford University Press, 2014), p. 327.

       146 Alexander Rüstow, ‘Organic Policy (Vitalpolitik) versus Mass Regimentation’, in Albert Hunold, ed., Freedom and Serfdom: An Anthology of Western Thought (Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1961), p. 186.

       147 Wilhelm Röpke, ‘Economic Order and International Law’, Recueil des Cours 86 (1954), p. 209.

       148 Rüstow, ‘Organic Policy’, p. 186.

       149 Mitchell Dean, ‘Rethinking Neoliberalism’, Journal of Sociology 50: 2 (2012), pp. 150–63.

       150 Rüstow, ‘Organic Policy’, p. 177.

       151 Röpke, Humane Economy, p. 157.

       152 Ibid., p. 159.

       153 Ibid., p. 167.

       154 Hagenbuch, ‘Welfare State and Social Policy’, p. 5.

       155 Ibid., p. 5.

       156 William Beveridge, ‘Social Insurance and Allied Services’, Inter-departmental Committee on Social Insurance and Allied Services, 1942, p. 7.

       157 Noel Whiteside, ‘The Beveridge Report and Its Implementation: A Revolutionary Project?’, Histoire@Politique 3: 24 (2014). For a penetrating account of the attempt by the Chicago School neoliberals to resurrect this poor law tradition in the United States, see Cooper, Family Values.

       158 Cited in Susan Pedersen, Family, Dependence, and the Origins of the Welfare State: Britain and France, 1914–1945 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 313.

       159 See, for example, Cooper, Family Values; and Joe Soss, Richard C. Fording and Sanford F. Schram, Disciplining the Poor: Neoliberal Paternalism and the Persistent Power of Race (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011).

       160 Mead, cited in Soss, Fording, and Schram, Disciplining the Poor, p. 28.

       161 Bertrand de Jouvenel, ‘Broodings on the Welfare State’, in Mont Pèlerin Society, 9th Mont Pèlerin Society Meeting, Princeton: Hoover Institution Archives, 1958, Box 12, Folder 5, p. 6. Jouvenel’s paper was circulated but not presented.

       162 Ibid., p. 6.

       163 Cited in Reinhoudt and Audier, Walter Lippmann Colloquium, p. 155.

       164 Hayek, Road to Serfdom.

       165 Cited in Domenico Losurdo, Liberalism: A Counter-History (London: Verso, 2011), p. 70.

       166 Milton Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), p. 33.

       167 Röpke, Humane Economy, p. 156.

       168 Cited in ibid., p. 176.

       169 Hayek, Road to Serfdom, p. 78.

       170 Hayek, ‘Epilogue’, p. 55.

       171 Friedrich Hayek, ‘Notes: Chapter Ten: The Market Order or Catallaxy’, in Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. 2, p. 189.

       172 Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, p. 116.

       173 Charles W. Mills, White Ignorance (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), p. 49.

       174 Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. 2, p. 131.

       175 Ibid.

       176 Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, p. 121.

       177 Mises, Socialism, p. 595.

       178 Hayek, ‘Justice and Individual Rights’, 105.

       179 For an important account of the subsequent transformation of human rights into aspirations to secure minimalist standards of ‘sufficiency’, see Moyn, Not Enough.

       180 Dimitry Manuilsky (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic), ‘Verbatim Record of the Hundred and Eightieth Plenary Meeting of the General Assembly’, 9 December 1948, in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 3, p. 3036.

       3. Neoliberalism, Human Rights and the ‘Shabby Remnants of Colonial Imperialism’

 

       1 A. A. Mohammed (Nigeria) ‘Official Record of the 1496th Plenary Meeting of the United Nations General Assembly’, 16 December 1966, p. 11, at undocs.org.

       2 Cuevas Cancino (Mexico) Ibid., p. 3.

       3 Jacques Rancière, On the Shores of Politics (London: Verso, 2006), p. 47.

       4 Lynn Hunt, Inventing Human Rights: A History (New York: W. W. Norton, 2007).

       5 Asian-African Conference, ‘Final Communiqué of the Asian-African Conference of Bandung’ (Djakarta: Centre Virtuel de la Connaissance sur l’Europe, 24 April 1955), p. 6.

       6 Hunt, Inventing Human Rights, p. 168.

       7 Kwame Nkrumah, Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism (New York: International, 1966), p. x.

       8 Ibid., p. 243.

       9 Upendra Baxi, The Future of Human Rights (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 51.

       10 Resolution 1803 on Permanent Sovereignty Over Natural Resources was adopted by the UN General Assembly in December 1962, ‘Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources, General Assembly Resolution 1803 (XVII)’, at legal.un.org. This was one of a suite of resolutions that attempted, as Sundhya Pahuja puts it paraphrasing Nkrumah, ‘to re-assert the “political kingdom” over the economic”. Sundhya Pahuja, Decolonising International Law: Development, Economic Growth, and the Politics of Universality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), p. 86.

       11 Wilhelm Röpke, The Social Crisis of Our Time, transl. Annette Schiffer Jacobsohn and Peter Schiffer Jacobsohn (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1950), p. 107.

       12 Brandt, cited in Angus Burgin, The Great Persuasion: Reinventing Free Markets since the Depression (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2012), p. 120.

       13 Baxi, Future of Human Rights.

       14 Lord Dukeston, ‘Text of the Letter from Lord Dukeston, the United Kingdom Representative on the Human Rights Commission, to the Secretary-General of the United Nations’, 5 June 1947), in William A. Schabas, ed., The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: The Travaux Préparatoires, Vol. 1, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), p. 288–99.

       15 In the course of the drafting, Dukes was honoured with the title Lord Dukeston. Brian A. W. Simpson, Human Rights and the End of Empire: Britain and the Genesis of the European Convention (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 341.

       16 Simpson, Human Rights and the End of Empire, p. 341.

       17 Ibid., p. 375.

       18 Ibid., p. 298.

       19 Gunnar Myrdal, An International Economy: Problems and Prospects (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1956), p. 321.

       20 Frederick Cooper, Decolonization and African Society: The Labor Question in French and British Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 204.

       21 Nkrumah, Neo-Colonialism, p. xii.

       22 Ibid., p. 255.

       23 Frederick Cooper, ‘Modernizing Bureaucrats, Backward Africans, and the Development Concept’, in Randall M. Packard, ed., International Development and the Social Sciences: Essays on the History and Politics of Knowledge (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), p. 67.

       24 Cooper, Decolonization and African Society, p. 114.

       25 Ibid., p. 115.

       26 Leon Trotsky, ‘The Fabian “Theory” of Socialism’, in Chapter IV: Trotsky’s Writings on Britain (London: New Park, 1974).

       27 Friedrich Hayek et al., Nobel Prize-Winning Economist Oral History Transcript (Los Angeles: Oral History Program, University of California, Los Angeles, 1983), p. 113, at archive.org.

       28 Ibid., p. 423.

       29 Friedrich Hayek, The Road to Serfdom: Text and Documents, ed. Bruce Caldwell (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), pp. 163–4.

       30 Peter Bauer and Basil Yamey, ‘Black Africa: The Living Legacy of Dying Colonialism’, Encounter, February 1984, p. 56.

       31 Cooper, Decolonization and African Society, p. 217.

       32 Ibid., p. 217.

       33 Yifeng Chen, ‘The International Labour Organisation and Labour Governance in China 1919–1949’, in Roger Blanpain, ed., China and ILO Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work (Alphen aan den Rijn: Kluwer Law International, 2014), p. 28.

       34 Cooper, Decolonization and African Society, p. 219.

       35 Ibid., 219.

       36 Rita Hinden, quoted in Partha Sarathi Gupta, Imperialism and the British Labour Movement 1914–1964 (London: Macmillan, 1975), p. 326.

       37 Cooper, Decolonization and African Society, p. 208.

       38 Bernard Shaw, ed., Fabianism and the Empire: A Manifesto by the Fabian Society (London: Grant Richards, 1900), p. 12.

       39 Ibid., p. 12.

       40 Ibid., p. 7.

       41 Ibid., p. 55.

       42 Röpke, Social Crisis of Our Time, pp. 60, 75.

       43 John Stuart Mill, On Liberty (Indianapolis: Hackett, 1978), p. 504. In 1936, the British Fabian political theorist and economist Harold Laski noted that the ‘typical English socialism was Fabian, a body of doctrine upon which the emphasis of John Stuart Mill’s ideas was far more profound than that of Marx’. Harold J. Laski, The Rise of European Liberalism (Works of Harold J. Laski): An Essay in Interpretation (Abingdon: Routledge, 2015), 241.

       44 Mill, cited in Karuna Mantena, Alibis of Empire: Henry Maine and the Ends of Liberal Imperialism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), p. 31.

       45 Ibid., p. 31.

       46 In Simpson, Human Rights and the End of Empire, p. 294.

       47 John Stuart Mill, ‘Considerations on Representative Government’, in J. M. Robson, ed., Essays on Politics and Society (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977), p. 394.

       48 Shaw, Fabianism and the Empire, p. 16.

       49 Mill, ‘Considerations on Representative Government’, p. 567.

       50 Friedrich Hayek, ‘The Moral Element in Free Enterprise’, The Freeman, July 1962, p. 46.

       51 Friedrich Hayek et al., Nobel Prize-Winning Economist Oral History Transcript, (Los Angeles: Oral History Program, University of California, Los Angeles, 1983), p. 282, at archive.org.

       52 Friedrich Hayek et al., Nobel Prize-Winning Economist Oral History Transcript, p. 201.

       53 Mises, ‘Appendix’, Liberalism, p. 154.

       54 Ludwig von Mises, Omnipotent Government: The Rise of the Total State and Total War (Auburn: Ludwig von Mises Institute, 2010), p. 228.

       55 Commission on Human Rights, ‘Summary Record of the 295th Meeting of the Third Committee of the United Nations General Assembly’, 27 October 1950), p. 161 at hr-travaux.law.virginia.edu/document/iccpr/ac3sr295/nid-1845.

       56 Ludwig von Mises, Liberalism: The Classical Tradition, ed. Bettina Bien Greaves, transl. Ralph Raico (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2005), pp. 92–3.

       57 Ibid., p. 96.

       58 Ibid.

       59 Mises, Omnipotent Government, p. 279.

       60 J. A. Hobson, ‘Imperialism, A Study – Introductory: Nationalism and Imperialism’, at marxists.org.

       61 J. A. Hobson, ‘The Ethics of Internationalism (1906–7)’, in Peter Cain, ed., Writings on Imperialism and Internationalism (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013), p. 28.

       62 Hobson, ‘Imperialism, A Study’, p. 196.

       63 Ibid., p. 197.

       64 Ibid., p. 199.

       65 Ibid., p. 200.

       66 V. I. Lenin, ‘Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism’, in Paul Le Blanc, ed., Revolution, Democracy, Socialism: Selected Writings (Pluto, 2008), p. 236.

       67 Ibid., p. 240.

       68 Albert O. Hirschman, The Essential Hirschman, ed. Jeremy Adelman (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013), p. 231.

       69 Joseph Schumpeter, Imperialism and Social Classes, transl. Heinz Norden (New York: Meridian, 1966), p. 22.

       70 Hirschman, Essential Hirschman, p. 233.

       71 Albert O. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before Its Triumph (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013), p. 63.

       72 V. I. Lenin, ‘Preface to the French and German Editions’, in Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (Seaside, OR: Rough Draft Printing, 2014), p. 8.

       73 Lionel Robbins, The Economic Causes of War (New York: Howard Fertig, 1968), p. 15.

       74 Ibid., p. 56.

       75 Ibid., p. 74.

       76 Susan Howson, Lionel Robbins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), p. 328.

       77 Wilhelm Röpke, International Order and Economic Integration (Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1959).

       78 Wilhelm Röpke, Economics of the Free Society, transl. Patrick M. Boarman (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1963), p. 75.

       79 Quinn Slobodian, Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018), p. 117.

       80 Robbins, Economic Causes of War, p. 97 (emphasis in original).

       81 Ibid., p. 74.

       82 Mises, Omnipotent Government, p. 100.

       83 Mike Davis, Late Victorian Holocausts: El Niño Famines and the Making of the Third World (London: Verso, 2001).

       84 Jeanne Morefield, Empires Without Imperialism: Anglo-American Decline and the Politics of Deflection (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014).

       85 Ludwig von Mises, Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis, transl. J. Kahane (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1962), p. 235.

       86 Ibid., p. 233.

       87 Ibid., p. 234.

       88 Teemu Ruskola, Legal Orientalism: China, the United States, and Modern Law (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013), p. 204.

       89 Mises, Omnipotent Government, p. 283.

       90 Ibid., p. 102.

       91 Ibid., pp. 97–8.

       92 Robbins, Economic Causes of War, p. 87.

       93 Hayek in Alan Ebenstein, Hayek’s Journey: The Mind of Friedrich Hayek (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 218.

       94 Hayek, Road to Serfdom, p. 231.

       95 Ibid.

       96 Mises, Omnipotent Government, p. 101.

       97 Wilhelm Röpke, The Moral Foundations of Civil Society (New Brunswick: Transaction, 2002), p. 229.

       98 Mises, Omnipotent Government, p. 239.

       99 Geoffrey Wilson (United Kingdom), ‘Summary Record of the Seventy-Seventh Meeting of the Commission on Human Rights’ in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 2, p. 1931.

       100 Alexei Pavlov (USSR), ‘Summary Record of the 129th Meeting of the Commission on Human Rights’ (Lake Success: United Nations Economic and Social Council, 27 June 1949), p. 14, at uvallsc.s3.amazonaws.com.

       101 René Cassin (France) in ibid., p. 15.

       102 In December 1941, as permanent secretary to the Council of Defense of the Empire, he had travelled from Palestine, Lebanon and Egypt to Indochina and the Cameroons to collect information on support for the French Republic in these territories. In the late 1950s, Cassin, now vice-president of France’s Conseil d’État, authorised emergency powers to combat anticolonial resistance in Algeria. Glenda Sluga, ‘René Cassin: Les Droits de l’homme and the Universality of Human Rights, 1945–1966’, in Stefan-Ludwig Hoffman, ed., Human Rights in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011).

       103 Lord MacDonald, Commission on Human Rights, ‘Summary Record of the 294th meeting of the Third Committee’, 26 October 1950, p. 150, at hr-travaux.law.virginia.edu. On Algeria see Alistair Horne, A Savage War of Peace: Algeria 1954–1962 (New York Review of Books, 2011). In Malaya, British colonial authorities responded to workers’ revolts in the rubber plantations with emergency legislation, detaining more than 30,000 people without trial, destroying the property of communist sympathisers, using chemical defoliants to destroy crops, and rationing food to starve out guerrillas. By then, rubber exports from Malaya provided Britain with its largest income from the Empire, which was used partly to fund the welfare state. Patricia Owens, Economy of Force: Counterinsurgency and the Historical Rise of the Social (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), p. 182.

       104 René Cassin (France), ‘Summary Record of the 129th Meeting of the Commission on Human Rights’, pp. 14, 16.

       105 Sluga, ‘René Cassin’, p. 118.

       106 René Cassin (France) ‘Summary Record of the 294th Meeting of the Third Committee of the United Nations General Assembly’, 26 October 1950, p. 152, at hr-travaux.law.virginia.edu.

       107 Adolf Hoffmeister (Czechoslovakia), ‘Summary Record of the 295th Meeting of the Third Committee of the United Nations General Assembly’, 27 October 1950, p. 157, at hr-travaux.law.virginia.edu.

       108 Peng Chun Chang (China), ibid., p. 159.

       109 Bedia Afnan (Iraq), ‘Summary Record of the 296th Meeting of the Third Committee of the United Nations General Assembly,’ (27 October 1950), p. 163, at hr-travaux.law.virginia.edu.

       110 Cassin (France) ‘Summary Record of the 294th Meeting of the Third Committee’, p. 152.

       111 Mr. Koussoff (Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic), ‘Summary Record of the 296th Meeting of the Third Committee’, p. 165.

       112 Imru Zelleke, ‘Summary Record of the 294th Meeting of the Third Committee’, p. 155.

       113 Benigno Aquino (Philippines) ‘Summary Record of the 129th Meeting of the Commission on Human Rights’, p. 16–17.

       114 Carlos Valenzuela (Chile) ‘‘Summary Record of the 296th Meeting of the Third Committee’, p. 168.

       115 This was a critique of colonialism that, as Sundhya Pahuja writes in a related context, ‘fails to question the ostensibly axiomatic need for the transformation of colonised societies.’ Pahuja, Decolonising International Law, p. 84.

       116 Alexander Rüstow, ‘Crossword Puzzle Moscow’, 7th MPS Meeting, Berlin: Hoover Institution Archives, 1956, Box 7, Folder 12. p. 11.

       117 Asian-African Conference, ‘Final Communiqué’, p. 6.

       118 Rüstow, ‘Crossword Puzzle Moscow’, p. 11.

       119 Roland Burke, Decolonization and the Evolution of International Human Rights (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), p. 28.

       120 Okafor writes ‘it is clear that [then] Communist China could hardly have subscribed fully to this very strong universalist approach, at least not at the relevant time, and many other Afro-Asian states (such as Singapore and Malaysia) would later reject this strong universalism, albeit to varying extents’. Obiora Chinedu Okafor, ‘The Bandung Ethic and International Human Rights Praxis: Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow,’ in Bandung, Global History, and International Law: Critical Pasts and Pending Futures, ed. Michael Fakhri, Vasuki Nesiah, and Luis Eslava (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 518–19.

       121 Burke, Decolonization and the Evolution of International Human Rights, p. 28.

       122 Ibid., p. 24.

       123 Alexander Rüstow, Freedom and Domination: A Historical Critique of Civilization, ed. Dankwart A. Rüstow, transl. Salvador Attanasio (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978), p. 663.

       124 Ibid., p. 662.

       125 Dieter Plehwe, ‘The Origins of the Neoliberal Economic Development Discourse’, in Philip Mirowski and Dieter Plehwe, eds, The Road from Mont Pèlerin: The Making of the Neoliberal Thought Collective (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009), p. 240.

       126 Ibid.

       127 Rüstow, Freedom and Domination, p. 94.

       128 Röpke, International Order and Economic Integration, pp. 84–5.

       129 Ibid., p. 85.

       130 Ibid., pp. 84–5.

       131 Rüstow, Freedom and Domination, p. 95.

       132 Ibid., p. 523.

       133 Peter Hallward, ‘Fanon and Political Will’, Cosmos and History: The Journal of Natural and Social Philosophy 7: 1 (2011), pp. 104–27.

       134 Rüstow, Freedom and Domination, p. 519.

       135 Alexander Rüstow, ‘Human Rights or Human Duties?’, 11th MPS Meeting, Kassel: Hoover Institution Archives, 1960, 6, Box 15, Folder 6–8.

       136 Rüstow, Freedom and Domination, 504.

       137 Rüstow, ‘Human Rights or Human Duties?’, p. 10.

       138 Ludwig von Mises, Marxism Unmasked: From Delusion to Destruction (Irvington, NY: Foundation for Economic Education, 2006).

       139 Cited in Peter Bauer, From Subsistence to Exchange and Other Essays (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), pp. 119–20. The description of Myrdal is also Bauer’s.

       140 Mises, Marxism Unmasked.

       141 Ibid.

       142 Vanessa Ogle, ‘State Rights against Private Capital: The “New International Economic Order” and the Struggle over Aid, Trade, and Foreign Investment, 1962–1981’, Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development 5: 2 (2014), p. 213.

       143 United Nations General Assembly, ‘International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights’ (United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner, 16 December 1966), at ohchr.org.

       144 Cited in Slobodian, Globalists, p. 124.

       145 Ogle, ‘State Rights against Private Capital’.

       146 Baxi, Future of Human Rights, p. 170.

       147 Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, transl. Haakon Chevalier (New York: Grove Press, 1967), p. 122.

       148 Robert Knox, ‘Valuing Race? Stretched Marxism and the Logic of Imperialism’, London Review of International Law 4: 1 (2016), pp. 81–126.

       149 Frantz, Toward the African Revolution, pp. 122–6.

       150 Nkrumah, Neo-Colonialism, p. 11.

       151 Ibid., p. 31.

       152 Ludwig von Mises ‘ “Undeveloped Countries”: Discussion on Two Papers Submitted by Peter Bauer to the 9th Meeting of the Mont Pèlerin Society, Princeton, September 1958’, in Albert Hunold ed. Mont Pèlerin Quarterly, 1:1 (April 1959), p. 20.

       153 Ibid.

       154 This figure applies to the period from 1960 to 1976. Stephen J. Kobrin, ‘Expropriation as an Attempt to Control Foreign Firms in LDCs: Trends from 1960 to 1979’, International Studies Quarterly 28: 3 (1984), p. 329. The most high-profile case was Mohammed Mossadegh’s 1951 nationalisation of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, which prompted a US-backed coup.

       155 Jurgen Reinhoudt and Serge Audier, eds, The Walter Lippmann Colloquium: The Birth of Neo-Liberalism (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), p. 125.

       156 Timothy Mitchell, Colonising Egypt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), p. 96.

       157 Gamal Abdel Nasser, ‘Speech Announcing the Nationalization of the Suez Canal Company’, 26 July 1956 at cvce.eu.

       158 Ibid.

       159 For an excellent account of the Suez Crisis as the birthplace of an Americanised global economy, premised upon an openness to investment, free trade, non-discrimination and the international management of resources in the decolonised world’, see Anne Orford, International Authority and the Responsibility to Protect (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011).

       160 Leonard E. Read, ‘Leonard E. Read Journal – August 1957’ (Foundation for Economic Education, 1957), at history.fee.org.

       161 Ibid.

       162 Justus Meyer, ‘The Concept of Colonialism’, Stanford: Hoover Institution Archives, 1957, 15, Box 11, Folder 2. The neoliberal response to anticolonialism followed the pattern that Karuna Mantena has identified in the later period of the British Empire, when liberal imperialist disillusionment in the face of resistance to the ‘civilising’ mission was followed by recourse to culturalist rationalisations for failure which served as ‘alibis of empire’. Mantena, Alibis of Empire.

       163 Ibid.

       164 Ibid.

       165 Karl Brandt, ‘Liberal Alternatives in Western Policies Toward Colonial Areas’, 8th MPS Meeting, St Moritz: Hoover Institution Archives, 1957, Box 11, Folder 3, pp. 1–13.

       166 Edmond Giscard d’Estaing, ‘Libéralisme et Colonialisme’, 8th MPS Meeting, St Moritz: Hoover Institution Archives, 1957, Box 12, Folder 18, p. 1. D’Estaing was President of the Société Financière Française et Coloniale.

       167 Brandt, ‘Liberal Alternatives’, pp. 2, 9.

       168 Ibid., p. 12.

       169 B. S. Chimni, ‘Anti-Imperialism’, in Eslava, Fakhri and Nesiah, eds, Bandung, Global History, and International Law, p. 35.

       170 On the role of neoliberals, notably Gottfried Haberler in that process see Slobodian, Globalists.

       171 Ludwig von Mises, Theory and History: An Interpretation of Social and Economic Evolution (Auburn: Ludwig von Mises Institute, 2007), p. 216.

       172 Rüstow, ‘Crossword Puzzle Moscow’, p. 13.

       173 Ludwig von Mises, Human Action: A Treatise on Economics (San Francisco: Fox & Wilkes, 1996), p. 842.

       174 Ibid., p. 500.

       175 Radha D’Souza, What’s Wrong with Rights? Social Movements, Law and Liberal Imaginations (London: Pluto, 2018), pp. 160–9.

       176 Ibid., p. 164.

       177 The Mont Pèlerin Society, ‘The Mont Pèlerin Quarterly’, Journal of the Mont Pèlerin Society I: 1 (April 1959), p. 12.

       178 Ibid., p. 13.

       4. Human Rights in Pinochet’s Chile: The Dethronement of Politics

 

       1 Hayek, cited in Andrew Farrant, Edward McPhail and Sebastian Berger, ‘Preventing the “Abuses” of Democracy: Hayek, the “Military Usurper” and Transitional Dictatorship in Chile?, American Journal of Economics and Sociology 71: 3 (2012), p. 517.

       2 Ibid.

       3 Farrant, McPhail, and Berger, ‘Preventing the “Abuses” of Democracy’, pp. 517–18. Hayek’s own doctoral student, Ralph Raico, was among those who sent him Amnesty reports and called on him to reconsider his visit. Bruce Caldwell and Leonidas Montes, ‘Friedrich Hayek and His Visits to Chile’, Review of Austrian Economics 28: 3 (2015).

       4 Amnesty International, Disappeared Prisoners in Chile (London: Amnesty International Publications, 1977), pp. 1, 3, 22–3.

       5 Farrant, McPhail, and Berger, ‘Preventing the “Abuses” of Democracy’, p. 520.

       6 Milton Friedman, ‘Passing down the Chilean Recipe’, Foreign Affairs 73: 1 (1994), p. 177.

       7 Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism (New York: Picador, 2008), p. 118.

       8 Ibid.

       9 Samuel Moyn, ‘A Powerless Companion: Human Rights in the Age of Neoliberalism’, Law and Contemporary Problems 77 (2015), p. 158.

       10 When he once barred a UN human rights committee from the country, Pinochet justified his stance based on supposed bias in human rights investigations, not by criticising human rights language, asking: ‘How many commissions did they send to Cuba, the USSR, Vietnam?’ Cited in Pamela Constable and Arturo Valenzuela, A Nation of Enemies: Chile under Pinochet (New York: W. W. Norton, 1993), p. 64.

       11 Ibid., p. 91; Jan Eckel, ‘Under a Magnifying Glass’, in Stefan-Ludwig Hoffman, ed., Human Rights in History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 331.

       12 Farrant, McPhail, and Berger, ‘Preventing the “Abuses” of Democracy’, p. 513.

       13 Ludwig von Mises, Human Action: A Treatise on Economics (San Francisco: Fox & Wilkes, 1996), p. 287.

       14 Michael A. Walker, ‘Preface’, in Michael A. Walker, ed., Freedom, Democracy and Economic Welfare: Proceedings of an International Symposium (Vancouver: Fraser Institute, 1988), p. xi.

       15 Arnold Harberger, ‘Capitalism and Freedom in Latin America: Discussion’, in Walker, Freedom, Democracy and Economic Welfare, p. 273.

       16 Friedrich Hayek et al., Nobel Prize-Winning Economist Oral History Transcript, (Los Angeles: Oral History Program, University of California, Los Angeles, 1983), p. 161, at archive.org.

       17 Harberger, ‘Capitalism and Freedom in Latin America’, p. 273.

       18 Ramón P. Díaz, ‘Capitalism and Freedom in Latin America’, in Walker, Freedom, Democracy and Economic Welfare, p. 253.

       19 Gunder Frank, cited in Klein, Shock Doctrine, p. 61.

       20 Arnold Harberger, ‘Good Economics Comes to Latin America, 1955–95’, History of Political Economy 28: supplement (1996), p. 302.

       21 Ibid., p. 303.

       22 Salvador Allende, ‘First Speech to the Chilean Parliament’, Marxists Internet Archive, 1970, at marxists.org.

       23 Social spending was 50 per cent higher under Allende than his predecessor Eduardo Frei. Marcus Taylor, From Pinochet to the ‘Third Way’: Neoliberalism and Social Transformation in Chile (London: Pluto, 2006), p. 26.

       24 Excess profits were profits over 12 per cent of the book value of the company between 1955 and 1970. Tanya Harmer, Allende’s Chile and the Inter-American Cold War (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2011), p. 309.

       25 Ibid., p. 62.

       26 Salvador Allende, Address to the Third UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)’, in James D. Cockcroft, ed., Salvador Allende Reader (Brighton: Ocean Press, 2000).

       27 Daniel J. Whelan, ‘ “Under the Aegis of Man”: The Right to Development and the Origins of the New International Economic Order’, Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development 6: 1 (2015), p. 103.

       28 Harberger, ‘Capitalism and Freedom in Latin America: Discussion’, p. 273.

       29 Salvador Allende, Address to the Third UN Conference on Trade and Development’.

       30 From a 1971 US memo, cited in Harmer, Allende’s Chile, p. 62.

       31 After the Coup in Cairo’, Wall Street Journal, Review & Outlook, 7 July 2013.

       32 Arnold Harberger, ‘Secrets of Success: A Handful of Heroes’, American Economic Review 83: 2, ‘Papers and Proceedings of the Hundred and Fifth Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association’ (1993), p. 345.

       33 Milton Friedman and Rose D. Friedman, Two Lucky People: Memoirs (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), p. 399.

       34 Milton Friedman and Rose D. Friedman, ‘Appendix A, Chapter 24 (Chile): Documents’, in Friedman and Friedman, Two Lucky People, p. 592.

       35 Letelier, cited in Klein, Shock Doctrine, p. 99.

       36 Orlando Letelier, ‘Economic ‘Freedom’s’ Awful Toll; The “Chicago Boys” in Chile’, Review of Radical Political Economics 8: 3 (1976), p. 52.

       37 Friedman, cited in Eric Schliesser, ‘Friedman, Positive Economics, and the Chicago Boys’, in Ross B. Emmett, ed., The Elgar Companion to the Chicago School of Economics (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2010), p. 185.

       38 Friedman and Friedman, Two Lucky People, ‘Appendix A’, p. 593.

       39 Ibid., ‘Appendix B’, p. 605.

       40 Klein, Shock Doctrine.

       41 Milton Friedman, Milton Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), p. 195.

       42 Milton Friedman, ‘Commanding Heights: Milton Friedman’, Public Broadcasting Service, 1 October 2000, at pbs.org; Friedman and Friedman, Two Lucky People, p. 400.

       43 Friedman and Friedman, Two Lucky People, p. 400.

       44 Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom, p. 8.

       45 Ibid., p. 11.

       46 Letelier, cited in Schliesser, ‘Friedman, Positive Economics, and the Chicago Boys’, p. 185.

       47 Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom, p. 15.

       48 Ibid., p. 15.

       49 Ibid., p. 15.

       50 Milton Friedman, ‘A Statistical Note on the Gastil-Wright Survey of Freedom: Discussion’, in Walker, Freedom, Democracy and Economic Welfare, p. 143.

       51 Baraona, cited in Juan Gabriel Valdés, Pinochet’s Economists: The Chicago School in Chile (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 29.

       52 Baraona, cited in ibid., p. 31.

       53 Constable and Valenzuela, Nation of Enemies, p. 186.

       54 Mises, Human Action, p. 149.

       55 Ibid., p. 287.

       56 Ibid., p. 599.

       57 Ibid., p. 258.

       58 Friedman and Friedman, ‘Appendix A’, p. 593.

       59 Cited in Verónica Montecinos, ‘Economics: The Chilean Story’, in Verónica Montecinos and John Markoff, eds, Economists in the Americas (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2009), p. 153.

       60 Arnold Harberger, ‘Commanding Heights: Arnold “Al” Harberger’, Public Broadcasting Service, 3 October 2000, at pbs.org.

       61 Farrant, McPhail, and Berger, ‘Preventing the “Abuses” of Democracy’, p. 522 (my emphasis).

       62 Constable and Valenzuela, Nation of Enemies, p. 170.

       63 Letelier, cited in Klein, Shock Doctrine, p. 116.

       64 Constable and Valenzuela, Nation of Enemies, p. 186.

       65 Cited in Martin Durham and Margaret Power, ‘Transnational Conservatism: The New Right, Neoconservatism, and Cold War Anti-Communism’, in Martin Durham and Margaret Power, eds, New Perspectives on the Transnational Right (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), p. 137.

       66 Friedman, ‘Passing Down the Chilean Recipe’, p. 177.

       67 Carl Schmitt, Political Theology: Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty, ed. George Schwab (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), p. 36. In May 1933, Schmitt joined the Nazi Party, and attempted to position himself as the crown jurist of National Socialism.

       68 Ibid., p. 48.

       69 Milton Friedman, ‘Essay Four: Adam Smith’s Relevance for 1976’, in Lanny Ebenstein, ed., The Indispensable Milton Friedman: Essays on Politics and Economics (Washington, DC: Regnery, 2012), p. 50.

       70 Peter Harrison, Adam Smith and the History of the Invisible Hand’, Journal of the History of Ideas 72: 1 (2011), p. 49.

       71 Alexander Rüstow, ‘Appendix’, in Alexander Röpke International Economic Disintegration (London: William Hodge, 1942), p. 270.

       72 Wilhelm Röpke, The Social Crisis of Our Time, transl. Annette Schiffer Jacobsohn and Peter Schiffer Jacobsohn (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1950 [1942]), p. 52.

       73 Friedman, ‘Essay Four’, p. 52.

       74 Röpke, Social Crisis of Our Time, p. 52.

       75 Friedman cites his earlier comments in Friedman, ‘Passing Down the Chilean Recipe’, p. 177.

       76 Constable and Valenzuela, Nation of Enemies, pp. 186–7.

       77 Ibid., p. 187.

       78 Michel Foucault, The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the Collège de France 1978–1979, ed. Michel Senellart, transl. Graham Burchell (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), p. 118.

       79 Michael Moffitt, ‘Chicago Economics in Chile’, Challenge 20: 4 (1977), p. 35. Depoliticising society by transforming proletarians into entrepreneurs had long been a central goal of European neoliberals. Mitigating the ‘sensitivity and instability’ of mass society, according to Roepke, required a policy of ‘decentralization, de-proletarianization, the anchoring of men in their own resources, encouragement to small farmers and small business, increased property ownership, and the strengthening of the middle classes’. Wilhelm Röpke, Economics of the Free Society, transl. Patrick M. Boarman (Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1963), 220.

       80 Milton Friedman and Rose D. Friedman, Free to Choose: A Personal Statement (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1980), pp. 1.

       81 Ibid., pp. 1–4.

       82 Milton Friedman, ‘Essay Fifteen: The Counter-Revolution in Monetary Theory’, in Ebenstein, Indispensable Milton Friedman, p. 184.

       83 Ibid., p. 167.

       84 Friedman, cited in Schliesser, ‘Friedman, Positive Economics, and the Chicago Boys’, pp. 186–7.

       85 Milton Friedman, Money Mischief: Episodes in Monetary History (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1994), p. 236; Adam J. Tooze, ‘Who Is Afraid of Inflation? The Long-Shadow of the 1970s’, Journal of Modern European History 12: 1 (2014), p. 58.

       86 In a similar vein, Melinda Cooper uses the term ‘the moral crisis of inflation’ to describe the ways in which Chicago School economists and neoconservatives in the United States united in opposition to social welfare, and especially welfare to single mothers. Melinda Cooper, Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism (New York: Zone, 2017), p. 30.

       87 Milton Friedman, ‘Inflation’ in Mont Pèlerin Society, 9th Mont Pèlerin Society Meeting, Princeton: Hoover Institution Archives, 1958, Box 12, Folder 6.

       88 Jacques Reuff, ‘Inflation and Liberty’, in Mont Pèlerin Society, 9th Mont Pèlerin Society Meeting, Princeton: Hoover Institution Archives, 1958, 1, Box 12, Folder 5–6.

       89 Ibid., p. 5.

       90 Friedman, Money Mischief, p. 496.

       91 The consumer price index increased by 40 per cent in 1971 and by 163 per cent in 1972. Peter A. Goldberg, ‘The Politics of the Allende Overthrow in Chile’, Political Science Quarterly 90: 1 (1975), pp. 105–6.

       92 See Valdés, Pinochet’s Economists.

       93 Goldberg, ‘Politics of the Allende Overthrow’, pp. 105–6.

       94 Friedman and Friedman, Two Lucky People, p. 405.

       95 Andre Gunder Frank, ‘Economic Genocide in Chile: Open Letter to Milton Friedman and Arnold Harberger’, Economic and Political Weekly 11: 24 (1976), p. 883.

       96 Constable and Valenzuela, Nation of Enemies, p. 173.

       97 Gunder Frank, ‘Economic Genocide in Chile’, p. 882.

       98 Friedman and Friedman, ‘Appendix A’, p. 592; Gunder Frank, ‘Economic Genocide in Chile’, p. 880.

       99 Valdés, Pinochet’s Economists, p. 95.

       100 Friedman, ‘Commanding Heights: Milton Friedman’.

       101 Along with Plant, the team comprised the Berkeley law professor Frank Newman and the Orange County judge Bruce Sumner. See Patrick William Kelly, ‘The 1973 Chilean Coup and the Origins of Transnational Human Rights Activism’, Journal of Global History 8 (2013), p. 172.

       102 Roger Plant, ‘Life under Pinochet’, Amnesty International Canada, 14 August 2013, at amnesty.ca.

       103 Edy Kaufman, ‘Prisoners of Conscience: The Shaping of a New Human Rights Concept’, Human Rights Quarterly 13: 3 (1991), p. 343.

       104 Kelly, ‘The 1973 Chilean Coup’, p. 174.

       105 Ibid., p. 173.

       106 Amnesty International, Chile: An Amnesty International Report (London: Amnesty International Publications, 1974), p. 6.

       107 Ibid., p. 15.

       108 Amnesty International, Disappeared Prisoners in Chile, p. 9.

       109 Amnesty International, Chile: An Amnesty International Report, p. 6.

       110 Klein, Shock Doctrine.

       111 Amnesty International, Amnesty International Annual Report 1974/75 (London: Amnesty International Publications, 1975), p. 10.

       112 Ibid., p. 10 (my emphasis).

       113 Alfonso Salgado, ‘Communism and Human Rights in Pinochet’s Chile: The 1977 Hunger Strike Against Forced Disappearance’, Cold War History 18: 2 (2017), p. 173.

       114 Elements of Benenson’s foundation myth, as Tom Buchanan notes, do not stand up to historical scrutiny. Tom Buchanan, ‘ “The Truth Will Set You Free”: The Making of Amnesty International’, Journal of Contemporary History 37: 4 (2002), p. 576.

       115 Tobias Kelly, ‘A Divided Conscience’, Public Culture 30: 3 (1 September 2018), p. 376.

       116 Commission on Human Rights, ‘Commission on Human Rights Verbatim Record Fourteenth Meeting [Excerpt]’, in Allida Black, ed., The Eleanor Roosevelt Papers, vol. I: The Human Rights Years, 1945–1948 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2010), pp. 506–7.

       117 Buchanan, ‘ “The Truth Will Set You Free”’, p. 591.

       118 Kelly, ‘Divided Conscience’, p. 370.

       119 Nelson Mandela, The Historic Speech of Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela at the Rivonia Trial: As Delivered from the Dock on April 20, 1964 (Johannesburg: Learn & Teach Publications, 1988); Randall Williams, The Divided World: Human Rights and Its Violence (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010).

       120 Cited in Kelly, ‘Divided Conscience’, p. 370.

       121 In Buchanan, ‘ “The Truth Will Set You Free”’, p. 593.

       122 Ibid.

       123 Ibid.

       124 Ibid., p. 582.

       125 Ibid.

       126 Ibid.

       127 Robyn Creswell, City of Beginnings: Poetic Modernism in Beirut (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2019), note 49, p. 216. Buchman, Remaking the World (London: Blandford Press, 1958), p. 28.

       128 Buchanan, ‘ “The Truth Will Set You Free”’, p. 585.

       129 José Piñera, undated memo cited in Valdés, Pinochet’s Economists, p. 210.

       130 Valdés, Pinochet’s Economists, p. 235.

       131 There were, of course, significant leftist Catholic currents in Chile, but their project for a moderate social democratic transition to socialism ‘came violently to an end in the 1970s (in Chile with Allende’s murder)’. Miguel Vatter, ‘Christian Human Rights’, Politics, Religion & Ideology 17: 4 (2016), p. 451.

       132 Nancy MacLean, Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radical Right’s Stealth Plan for America (New York: Penguin, 2017).

       133 MacLean traces the influence of Buchanan’s constitutionalism in Chile, but he was not the sole architect of Chile’s ‘constitution of liberty’.

       134 Taylor, From Pinochet to the ‘Third Way’, p. 86.

       135 Valdés, Pinochet’s Economists, p. 246.

       136 Alejandra Gaitán-Barrera and Govand Khalid Azeez, ‘Beyond Recognition: Autonomy, the State, and the Mapuche Coordinadora Arauco Malleco’, Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies 13: 2 (2018), p. 117.

       137 Ibid.

       138 It first appeared in Wilhelm Röpke’s essay ‘Social-cristianismo y neo-liberalismo’ in 1964. Taylor C. Boas and Jordan Gans-Morse, ‘From Rallying Cry to Whipping Boy: The Concept of Neoliberalism in the Study of Development’, Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia, 2006, p. 24; Wilhelm Röpke, ‘Social-Cristianismo y Neo-Liberalismo’, PEC 67, 68 (1964), pp. 6–8, 2–3, 6.

       139 Wilhelm Röpke, ‘Liberalism and Christianity’, Modern Age 1: 2 (1957), p. 128.

       140 Ibid., p. 128.

       141 Ibid., p. 130.

       142 Ibid., p. 131.

       143 Cited in Erwin Dekker, ‘Left Luggage: Finding the Relevant Context of Austrian Economics’, Review of Austrian Economics 29: 2 (2016), p. 114. For a fuller account of Hayek’s views on religion and submission see Jessica Whyte, ‘The Invisible Hand of Friedrich Hayek: Submission and Spontaneous Order’, Political Theory, 47: 2 (2019).

       144 See Valdés, Pinochet’s Economists.

       145 Renato Cristi and Carlos Ruiz, ‘Conservative Thought in Twentieth Century Chile’, Canadian Association of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 15: 30 (1990), p. 45.

       146 Ibid., p. 48.

       147 Ibid., p. 50.

       148 José Piñera, ‘Chile’s Road to Freedom’, José Piñera (blog), 11 March 2018, at josepinera.org.

       149 Renato Cristi, ‘The Metaphysics of Constituent Power: Schmitt and the Genesis of Chile’s 1980 Constitution’, Cardoso Law Review 21: 5–6 (2000), p. 1769.

       150 In Silvia Borzutzky, Human Rights Policies in Chile: The Unfinished Struggle for Truth and Justice (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), p. 120.

       151 Schmitt, Political Theology.

       152 Karin Fischer, ‘The Influence of Neoliberals in Chile Before, During, and After Pinochet’, in Philip Mirowski and Dieter Plehwe, eds, The Road from Mont Pèlerin: The Making of the Neoliberal Thought Collective (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), pp. 327–8.

       153 Caldwell and Montes, ‘Friedrich Hayek and His Visits to Chile’, p. 47.

       154 In an interview of 22 August 1987, Guzmán told Constable and Valenzuela that ‘his discovery of Hayek had significantly altered his own views since 1974, when he wrote the regime’s “Declaration of Principles” with its corporatist tone.’ Constable and Valenzuela, Nation of Enemies, p. 340.

       155 Fischer, ‘Influence of Neoliberals in Chile’, p. 327.

       156 Friedrich Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty: A New Statement of the Liberal Principles of Justice and Political Economy, vol. I: Rules and Order (London: Routledge, 1998), p. 45.

       157 See Miguel Vatter, ‘Neoliberalism and Republicanism: Economic Rule of Law and Law as Concrete Order (Nomos)’, in Damien Cahill, Melinda Cooper, Matijn Konings and David Primrose, eds, The SAGE Handbook of Neoliberalism (London: Sage, 2018), pp. 370–81; Whyte, ‘The Invisible Hand of Friedrich Hayek’.

       158 Friedrich Hayek et al., Nobel Prize-Winning Economist Oral History Transcript, (Los Angeles: Oral History Program, University of California, Los Angeles, 1983), p. 342, at archive.org.

       159 Constable and Valenzuela, Nation of Enemies, p. 126.

       160 Friedrich Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty: The Definitive Edition, ed. Ronald Hamowy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011), p. 82.

       161 Ibid., p. 262.

       162 Ibid., p. 270.

       163 Friedrich Hayek, ‘Liberty Clean of Impurities: Extracts from an Interview with Friedrich von Hayek’, El Mercurio, 12 April 1981.

       164 Hayek, Constitution of Liberty, p. 284.

       165 Hayek, ‘Liberty Clean of Impurities’.

       166 Hayek visited Chile twice during the rule of the military junta, once in 1977 and again in 1981. Cited in Caldwell and Montes, ‘Friedrich Hayek and His Visits to Chile’, p. 279.

       167 Andrew Farrant and Edward McPhail, ‘Can a Dictator Turn a Constitution into a Can-Opener? F. A. Hayek and the Alchemy of Transitional Dictatorship in Chile’, Review of Political Economy 26: 3 (2014), p. 336.

       168 Caldwell and Montes, ‘Friedrich Hayek and His Visits to Chile’, p. 285.

       169 Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. I (London: Routledge, 1998), p. 3.

       170 Ibid., p. 72.

       171 Ibid., p. 111. In The Constitution of Liberty, Hayek writes that, when it comes to the rule of law, ‘the conduct of Carl Schmitt under the Hitler regime does not alter the fact that, of the modern German writings on the subject, his are still among the most learned and perceptive’. Hayek, Constitution of Liberty, note 1, p. 309.

       172 Hayek, ‘Liberty Clean of Impurities’.

       173 In Farrant, McPhail, and Berger, ‘Preventing the “Abuses” of Democracy’, p. 514.

       174 Cited in Farrant and McPhail, ‘Can a Dictator Turn a Constitution into a Can-Opener?’, pp. 336–41.

       175 Cited in Caldwell and Montes, ‘Friedrich Hayek and His Visits to Chile’, p. 280.

       176 Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. I, p. 140.

       177 James M. Buchanan, ‘Democracy: Limited or Unlimited?’, Viña del Mar Regional Meeting of the Mont Pèlerin Society (Viña del Mar: Center for Study of Public Choice, 1981), pp. 1–14.

       178 Boas and Gans-Morse, ‘From Rallying Cry to Whipping Boy’, p. 43.

       179 Hon. Government Junta et al., ‘Constitution of the Republic of Chile’, Pub. L. No. 1150 (1980), pdf at confinder.richmond.edu.

       180 Americas Watch Committee, Chile: Human Rights & the Plebiscite (New York: Americas Watch Committee, 1988), pp. 27–8.

       181 The answer of Allende’s constituents, the working-class and urban and rural poor, were not cited.

       182 Taylor, From Pinochet to the ‘Third Way’, p. 60.

       183 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, ‘Income Inequality Update’, November 2016, pdf at oecd.org.

       184 Caldwell and Montes, ‘Friedrich Hayek and His Visits to Chile’, p. 288.

       185 Piñera, ‘Chile’s Road to Freedom’.

       186 Renato Cristi, ‘The Genealogy of Jaime Guzman’s Subsidiary State, in Robert Leeson, ed., Hayek: A Collaborative Biography, Part IX: The Divine Right of the ‘Free’ Market (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), p. 256.

       187 Salgado, ‘Communism and Human Rights in Pinochet’s Chile’.

       188 Constable and Valenzuela, Nation of Enemies.

       189 Javier Couso, ‘Models of Democracy and Models of Constitutionalism: The Case of Chile’s Constitutional Court, 1970–2010’, Texas Law Review 89: 7 (2011), pp. 1517–36.

       190 Benenson presented Amnesty International’s brand of anti-political human rights activism as a more credible alternative to the CPGP-sponsored ‘Appeal for Amnesty in Spain’, Buchanan, ‘The Truth Will Set You Free’, p. 580–81.

       191 Jorge Larrain, ‘Changes in Chilean Identity: Thirty Years after the Military Coup’, Nations and Nationalism 12: 2 (2006), p. 337.

       192 Ibid., p. 334.

       193 Fernando Atria, ‘The Time of Law: Human Rights Between Law and Politics’, Law and Critique 16: 2 (2005), p. 150.

       194 Couso, ‘Models of Democracy’, p. 1535.

       195 Javier Couso, ‘The Limits of Law for Emancipation (in the South)’, Griffith Law Review 16: 2 (2007), p. 350.

       196 Ibid., p. 350; Gaitán-Barrera and Azeez, ‘Beyond Recognition’, p. 117; Human Rights Watch, ‘World Report 2018’ (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2017), p. 136.

       5. Powerless Companions or Fellow Travellers? Human Rights and the Neoliberal Assault on Post-Colonial Economic Justice

 

       1 Peter Bauer, ‘L’Aide Au Développement: Pour Ou Contre?’, in Rony Brauman, ed., Le Tiers-Mondisme En Question (Paris: Olivier Orban, 1986), p. 188.

       2 I thank Rony Brauman for confirming that Bauer, whose essay is included in the published proceedings of the colloquium, did present in person.

       3 Alfred Sauvy, ‘Trois Mondes, Une Planète’, Vingtième Siècle, Revue d’histoire, October 1986, p. 83; Emmanuel Sieyès, ‘What Is the Third Estate?’, in Michael Sonenscher, ed., Political Writings (Indianapolis: Hackett, 2003), p. 94. Sauvy’s concept of the ‘Tiers Monde’, as Sundhya Pahuja notes, ‘designated a political relation, not a set demographic’. Sundhya Pahuja, Decolonising International Law: Development, Economic Growth, and the Politics of Universality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), p. 261. It is to designate this antagonistic political relation, at a specific historical juncture, that I use the term ‘Third World’ in this chapter. The ‘Third World’, in Vijay Prashad’s oft-cited phrase, ‘was not a place. It was a project.’ Vijay Prashad, The Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global South (London: Verso, 2013), p. xv.

       4 Liberté Sans Frontières, ‘Fondation Liberté Sans Frontières pour l’information sur les Droits de l’homme et le Développement, Document de Présentation’ (Paris: Médecins Sans Frontières, January 1985), p. 4, at speakingout.msf.org.

       5 Author interview with Rony Brauman, MSF Office, Rue Saint-Sabin, Paris, 7 October 2015.

       6 United Nations General Assembly, ‘Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order’ (United Nations Documents, 1 May 1974), at un-documents.net. No vote was requested on this resolution.

       7 Stany Grelet and Mathieu Potte-Bonneville, ‘Qu’est-Ce Qu’on Fait Là ? Entretien Avec Rony Brauman’, Vacarme, 2 September 1997.

       8 Samuel Moyn, ‘A Powerless Companion: Human Rights in the Age of Neoliberalism’, Law and Contemporary Problems 77 (2015).

       9 Eleanor Davey, ‘Famine, Aid, and Ideology: The Political Activism of Médecins sans Frontières in the 1980s’, French Historical Studies 34: 3 (2011), p. 543.

       10 The description is Brauman’s. Grelet and Potte-Bonneville, ‘Qu’est-Ce Qu’on Fait Là ?’

       11 Alain Gresh, ‘Une Fondation Au-Dessus de Tout Soupçon’, Le Monde Diplomatique, May 1985.

       12 Author interview with Rony Brauman, MSF Office, Rue Saint-Sabin, Paris, 7 October 2015.

       13 Ibid. Brauman described the last of these conditions as ‘the fifth, but not the last, not the least!’

       14 Brauman, cited in Renée C. Fox, Doctors Without Borders: Humanitarian Quests, Impossible Dreams of Médecins Sans Frontières (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2014), p. 53.

       15 Claude Lefort, The Political Forms of Modern Society: Bureaucracy, Democracy, Totalitarianism, ed. John B. Thompson (Cambridge: Polity, 1986), p. 900.

       16 Robert Horvath, ‘ “The Solzhenitsyn Effect”: East European Dissidents and the Demise of the Revolutionary Privilege’, Human Rights Quarterly 29: 4 (2007), pp. 879–907; Samuel Moyn, Not Enough: Human Rights in an Unequal World (Harvard, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018).

       17 Paul Berman, Power and the Idealists: Or, the Passion of Joschka Fischer and Its Aftermath (New York: W. W. Norton, 2007), p. 235.

       18 Rony Brauman, ‘Ni Tiers-Mondisme, Ni Cartiérisme’, in Brauman, Le Tiers-Mondisme En Question, p. 12.

       19 Tom Buchanan, ‘ “The Truth Will Set You Free”: The Making of Amnesty International’, Journal of Contemporary History 37: 4 (2002), p. 579.

       20 Liberté Sans Frontières and Claude Malhuret, ‘Invitation de Liberté sans Frontières au Colloque des 23 et 24 Janvier 1985’ (Médecins Sans Frontières, 11 January 1985), at speakingout.msf.org.

       21 Brauman, ‘Ni Tiers-Mondisme, Ni Cartiérisme’, p. 13.

       22 Jennifer Pitts, A Turn to Empire: The Rise of Imperial Liberalism in Britain and France (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), p. 205; Peter Hallward, ‘The Will of the People: Notes Towards a Dialectical Voluntarism’, Radical Philosophy 155 (June 2009), pp. 17–29.

       23 Friedrich Hayek, ‘Memorandum on the Proposed Foundation of an International Academy of Political Philosophy Tentatively Called the “Acton-Tocqueville Society”’ (Albert Hunold Papers, 1 August 1945).

       24 Fox, Doctors Without Borders, p. 54.

       25 See Davey, ‘Famine, Aid, and Ideology’, p. 543.

       26 Author interview with Claude Malhuret, Sénat – Palais du Luxembourg, Paris, October 7, 2015.

       27 Philip Mirowski and Dieter Plehwe, eds, The Road from Mont Pèlerin: The Making of the Neoliberal Thought Collective (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009).

       28 Nicholas Gane, ‘In and Out of Neoliberalism: Reconsidering the Sociology of Raymond Aron’, Journal of Classical Sociology 16: 3 (2016), pp. 261–79.

       29 Raymond Aron, ‘Sociology and the Philosophy of Human Rights’, in Dominique Schnapper and Milton Karl Munitz, eds, Power, Modernity and Sociology: Selected Sociological Writings (Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 1988), pp. 194–210.

       30 Ibid., p. 122.

       31 Ibid., p. 129.

       32 Ibid., p. 136.

       33 Author interview with Rony Brauman, MSF Office, Rue Saint-Sabin, Paris, 7 October 2015. Brauman stressed that he no longer subscribed to this view.

       34 Aron, ‘Sociology and the Philosophy of Human Rights’, p. 136.

       35 See Roland Burke, Decolonization and the Evolution of International Human Rights (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), p. 35; Joseph R. Slaughter, Human Rights, Inc.: The World Novel, Narrative Form, and International Law (New York: Fordham University Press, 2007).

       36 Davey, ‘Famine, Aid, and Ideology’, p. 542.

       37 Kristin Ross, May ’68 and Its Afterlives (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), p. 167.

       38 Liberté Sans Frontières and Malhuret, ‘Invitation de Liberté sans Frontières au Colloque’ ‘Invitation de Liberté sans Frontières au Colloque’.

       39 Ibid.

       40 Laurence Binet, ‘Famine and Forced Relocations in Ethiopia 1984–1986’, MSF Speaking Out (Geneva: Médecins Sans Frontières, 2013), p. 100, at speakingout.msf.org.

       41 Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (London: Penguin, 1978), p. 81.

       42 Fanon Frantz, ‘Preface’, in ibid., p. 21.

       43 Paige Arthur, Unfinished Projects: Decolonization and the Philosophy of Jean-Paul Sartre (London: Verso, 2010).

       44 Liberté Sans Frontières, ‘Fondation Liberté Sans Frontières Pour l’information Sur Les Droits de l’homme et Le Développement, Document de Présentation’, January 1985, p. 3.

       45 Cited in Claude Julien, ‘Une Bête à Abattre: Le “Tiers-Mondisme”’, Le Monde Diplomatique, May 1985.

       46 Brauman, ‘Ni Tiers-Mondisme’, Ni Cartiérisme’, p. 16.

       47 Laurence Binet, ed., ‘Médecins Sans Frontières’ Officials Issue an Indictment, Calling Tiers-Mondisme a Sham, Patrick Forestier Interviews Rony Brauman, President of MSF France,’ Paris-Match (France), 23 January 1985 (in French)’, in MSF Speaks Out, Famine and Forced Relocations in Ethiopia 1984–1986 (Geneva: Médecins Sans Frontières, 2013), pp. 24–5, pdf at speakingout.msf.org.

       48 Most recently, Bruckner has reprised this theme of Western guilt in Pascal Bruckner, An Imaginary Racism: Islamophobia and Guilt, (Cambridge: Polity, 2018).

       49 Eyal Weizman, The Least of All Possible Evils: Humanitarian Violence from Arendt to Gaza (London: Verso, 2012), p. 40.

       50 Pascal Bruckner, The Tears of the White Man: Compassion as Contempt (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1987), p. 119.

       51 Ross, May ’68 and Its Afterlives, p. 163.

       52 Bruce Gilley, ‘The Case for Colonialism’, Third World Quarterly, 2017. This article was recently withdrawn by the editor after significant protest and the resignation of many members of the journal’s editorial board. See ‘Open Letter to Third World Quarterly on the Publication of “The Case for Colonialism”’, open Democracy, 20 September 2017, at opendemocracy.net.

       53 Dieter Plehwe, ‘The Origins of the Neoliberal Economic Development Discourse’, in Mirowski and Plehwe, Road from Mont Pèlerin, p. 256.

       54 Alexander Rüstow, Freedom and Domination: A Historical Critique of Civilization, ed. Dankwart A. Rüstow, transl. Salvador Attanasio (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978), pp. 662–3.

       55 Plehwe, ‘Origins of the Neoliberal Economic Development Discourse’, p. 254.

       56 Karl Brandt, ‘Liberal Alternatives in Western Policies Toward Colonial Areas’, 8th MPS Meeting, St Moritz: Hoover Institution Archives, 1957, Box 11, Folder 3.

       57 John Locke, Two Treatises of Government and a Letter Concerning Toleration, ed. Ian Shapiro (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), p. 114.

       58 Arthur Shenfield, ‘Liberalism and Colonialism’, Foreign Policy Perspectives 4 (1986).

       59 John Stuart Mill, On Liberty (Indianapolis: Hackett, 1978), p. 10.

       60 Ibid., p. 3.

       61 Bauer (1971), cited in Plehwe, ‘Origins of the Neoliberal Economic Development Discourse’, 260.

       62 Peter Bauer, Equality, the Third World, and Economic Delusion, pp. 66–85.

       63 Peter Bauer, ‘L’Aide au Développement: Pour ou Contre?’, in Rony Brauman, ed., Le Tiers-Mondisme en Question (Paris: Olivier Orban, 1986), p. 187.

       64 Bauer, Equality, the Third World, and Economic Delusion, p. 86; Paul Lewis, ‘Peter Bauer, British Economist, Is Dead at 86’, New York Times, Business Day section, 14 May 2002.

       65 Bauer, Equality, the Third World, and Economic Delusion, p. 87.

       66 Bauer, ‘L’Aide Au Développement’, p. 187.

       67 Bauer, Equality, the Third World, and Economic Delusion, p. 89.

       68 Ibid., p. 90.

       69 Kwame Nkrumah, Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism (New York: International, 1966), p. xx.

       70 Peter Bauer and Basil Yamey, The Economics of Under-Developed Countries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), p. 155.

       71 Malhuret, cited in Gresh, ‘Une Fondation Au-Dessus de Tout Soupçon’.

       72 Baron de Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p. 338.

       73 Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political, transl. George Schwab (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996).

       74 Anthony Daniels, ‘Peter Bauer and the Third World’, Cato Journal 25: 3 (2005), p. 488.

       75 Bauer, ‘L’Aide Au Développement’, p. 190.

       76 Michel Foucault, The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the Collège de France 1978–1979, ed. Michel Senellart, transl. Graham Burchell (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), p. 142.

       77 Bauer, ‘L’Aide Au Développement’, p. 191.

       78 Cited in Peter Bauer and John O’Sullivan, ‘Ordering the World About: The New International Economic Order’, Policy Review, Summer 1977, p. 56.

       79 Bauer, ‘L’Aide Au Développement’, p. 190.

       80 P. T. Bauer, ‘Western Guilt and Third World Poverty’, Commentary Magazine, January 1976.

       81 Vijay Prashad, The Darker Nations: A People’s History of the Third World (New York: New Press, 2007), p. 13.

       82 For an excellent critical account of the attempt to develop solidarity in a context of deep political differences, see Umut Özsu, ‘ “Let Us First of All Have Unity among Us”: Bandung, International Law, and the Empty Politics of Solidarity’, in Bandung, Global History, and International Law: Critical Pasts and Pending Futures, ed. Michael Fakhri, Vasuki Nesiah, and Luis Eslava (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017).

       83 Arif Dirlik, ‘Spectres of the Third World: Global Modernity and the End of the Three Worlds’, Third World Quarterly 25: 1 (February 2004), pp. 131–48.

       84 Alberto Toscano, Fanaticism: On the Uses of an Idea (London: Verso, 2010), p. 240.

       85 Peter Bauer and Basil Yamey, ‘World Wealth Redistribution: Anatomy of the New Order’, in Karl Brunner, ed., The First World & the Third World: Essays on the New International Economic Order (Rochester: University of Rochester Policy Center Publications, 1978), p. 198.

       86 Equality, for Rancière, is ‘not an end to attain, but a point of departure, a supposition to maintain in every circumstance.’ Jacques Rancière, ‘The Ignorant Schoolmaster: Five Lessons in Intellectual Emancipation’ (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991), p. 138.

       87 Bauer and Yamey, Economics of Under-Developed Countries, p. 68.

       88 Ibid., p. 68.

       89 S. Herbert Frankel, ‘ “Undeveloped Countries”: Discussion on Two Papers Submitted by Peter Bauer to the 9th Meeting of the Mont Pèlerin Society, Princeton, September 1958’, in Albert Hunold ed. Mont Pèlerin Quarterly, 1:1 (April 1959), p. 17.

       90 Bauer and Yamey, Economics of Under-Developed Countries, p. 217.

       91 Author interview with Claude Malhuret, Sénat – Palais du Luxembourg, Paris, 7 October 2015, p. 1.

       92 Ibid.

       93 John Davenport, ‘ “Undeveloped Countries”: Discussion on Two Papers Submitted by Peter Bauer to the 9th Meeting of the Mont Pèlerin Society, Princeton, September 1958’, in Albert Hunold ed. Mont Pèlerin Quarterly, 1:1 (April 1959), p. 7.

       94 Cited in Gresh, ‘Une Fondation Au-Dessus de Tout Soupçon’.

       95 Jennifer Bair, ‘Taking Aim at the New International Economic Order’, in Mirowski and Plehwe, Road from Mont Pèlerin, p. 350.

       96 United Nations General Assembly, ‘Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order’.

       97 Samuel Moyn, The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History (Cambridge: Belknap, 2010).

       98 Antony Anghie, ‘Whose Utopia? Human Rights, Development, and the Third World’, Qui Parle 22: 1 (2013), p. 73.

       99 On French humanitarianism, see Eleanor Davey, Idealism Beyond Borders: The French Revolutionary Left and the Rise of Humanitarianism, 1954–1988 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).

       100 Bernard E. Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), p. 190.

       101 United Nations, ‘Towards the New International Economic Order’, p. 4.

       102 Karl Marx, ‘Critique of the Gotha Program’, in Lawrence H. Simon, ed., Selected Writings (Indianapolis: Hackett, 1984), p. 321.

       103 Friedrich Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty: The Definitive Edition, ed. Ronald Hamowy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011), p. 150.

       104 Ibid.

       105 Mohammed Bedjaoui, Towards a New International Economic Order (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1979), p. 78.

       106 Ibid., p. 63; Umut Özsu, ‘ “In the Interests of Mankind as a Whole”: Mohammed Bedjaoui’s New International Economic Order’, Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development 6: 1 (2015), pp. 129–43.

       107 Bedjaoui, Towards a New International Economic Order, p. 81.

       108 Ibid., p. 249.

       109 Özsu, ‘ “In the Interests of Mankind as a Whole”’, p. 142.

       110 Vanessa Ogle, ‘State Rights against Private Capital: The “New International Economic Order” and the Struggle over Aid, Trade, and Foreign Investment, 1962–1981’, Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development 5: 2 (2014), p. 212.

       111 Bedjaoui, Towards a New International Economic Order, p. 239.

       112 See Burke, Decolonization and the Evolution of International Human Rights; Slaughter, Human Rights, Inc.

       113 Bedjaoui, Towards a New International Economic Order, p. 184.

       114 Sieyès, ‘What Is the Third Estate?’, p. 96.

       115 Emmanuel Sieyès, ‘An Essay on Privileges’, in Michael Sonenscher, ed., Political Writings (Indianapolis: Hackett, 2003), p. 69.

       116 Sieyès, ‘What Is the Third Estate?’, p. 95.

       117 Jennifer Bair, ‘Taking Aim at the New International Economic Order’, in Mirowski and Plehwe, Road from Mont Pèlerin, p. 355.

       118 Mark Mazower, Governing the World: The History of an Idea, 1815 to the Present (London: Penguin, 2012).

       119 The quote is from Moyn, ‘A Powerless Companion’, p. 156. For an astute account of the neoliberal attack on the NIEO, see Umut Özsu, ‘Neoliberalism and the New International Economic Order: A History of “Contemporary Legal Thought”’, in Christopher Tomlins and Justin Desautels-Stein, eds, Searching for Contemporary Legal Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), pp. 330–47.

       120 Liberté Sans Frontières and Malhuret, ‘Invitation de Liberté sans Frontières au Colloque’.

       121 Brauman, ‘Ni Tiers-Mondisme, Ni Cartiérisme’, p. 16.

       122 Rony Brauman, ‘Tiers-Mondisme: Les Intentions et Les Résultats’, Le Monde Diplomatique, November 1985.

       123 Author interview with Claude Malhuret.

       124 Brauman, cited in Binet, ‘Famine and Forced Relocations in Ethiopia’, p. 63.

       125 Roger A. Brooks, ‘The United Nations at 40: Myth and Reality’, Heritage Foundation, 9 August 1985, at heritage.org.

       126 Author interview with Rony Brauman; author interview with Claude Malhuret.

       127 Burton Yale Pines, ‘The UN and the Free Enterprise System’, in The UN Under Scrutiny (Washington, DC: Heritage Foundation, 1982), p. 2.

       128 Burke, Decolonization and the Evolution of International Human Rights, p. 10.

       129 Daniel P. Moynihan, ‘The United States in Opposition’, Commentary, 1 March 1975.

       130 Liberté Sans Frontières, ‘Fondation Liberté Sans Frontières’.

       131 Mark T. Berger, ‘After the Third World: History, Destiny and the Fate of Third Worldism’, Third World Quarterly 25: 1 (2004), p. 24. Nils Gilman describes it as ‘a call for socialism among states’. Nils Gilman, ‘The New International Economic Order: A Reintroduction’, Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development 6: 1 (2015), p. 4.

       132 Berger, ‘After the Third World’, p. 24.

       133 Özsu, ‘ “In the Interests of Mankind as a Whole”’, p. 137.

       134 Friedrich Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty: A New Statement of the Liberal Principles of Justice and Political Economy, vol. III: The Political Order of a Free People (London: Routledge, 1998), p. 151.

       135 Ibid.

       136 For an account of the economic aspects of this, see Quinn Slobodian, Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018), p. 123.

       137 Bauer and O’Sullivan, ‘Ordering the World About’, p. 59.

       138 Ibid.

       139 Friedrich Hayek, The Road to Serfdom: Text and Documents, ed. Bruce Caldwell (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), p. 127.

       140 Bauer and Yamey, Economics of Under-Developed Countries, p. 150.

       141 Ibid., p. 156.

       142 Foucault, The Birth of Biopolitics, p. 138.

       143 Ibid., p. 76. On Foucault and the interventionist human rights NGOs, see Jessica Whyte, ‘Human Rights: Confronting Governments? Michel Foucault and the Right to Intervene’, in Costas Douzinas, Matthew Stone and Illan Rua Wall, eds, New Critical Legal Thinking: Law and the Political (London: Routledge, 2012).

       144 Bauer, ‘L’Aide Au Développement’, p. 189.

       145 Peter Bauer, ‘Letter to Commentary on Moynihan Article’, in Karl Brunner, ed., The First World and the Third World (Rochester: University of Rochester Policy Center Publications, 1978), p. 142.

       146 Ibid., p. 139.

       147 Peter Bauer, ‘Hostility to the Market in Less Developed Countries’, in Karl Brunner, ed., The First World and the Third World: Essays on the New International Economic Order (Rochester: University of Rochester Policy Center Publications, 1978), p. 174.

       148 Bauer, Equality, the Third World, and Economic Delusion, p. 8.

       149 Lionel Robbins, The Economic Causes of War (New York: Howard Fertig, 1968), p. 99.

       150 Bauer and Yamey, ‘World Wealth Redistribution’, p. 219.

       151 Ibid.

       152 Ibid., p. 198.

       153 Ibid., p. 212.

       154 Brauman, cited in Weizman, Least of All Possible Evils, p. 29.

       155 See Ross, May ’68 and Its Afterlives, p. 161.

       156 Sitbon, cited in Ross, May ’68, p. 161.

       157 Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. III, p. 151. On Arendt’s influence on Brauman, see Weizman, Least of All Possible Evils.

       158 Author interview with Rony Brauman’, p. 1.

       159 Liberté Sans Frontières, ‘Fondation Liberté Sans Frontières Pour l’information Sur Les Droits de l’homme et Le Développement, Document de Présentation’, January 1985, p. 7.

       160 Binet, ‘Famine and Forced Relocations in Ethiopia’, p. 111.

       161 Author interview with Rony Brauman, MSF Office, Rue Saint-Sabin, Paris, 7 October 2015.

       162 Moyn, The Last Utopia.

       Afterword: Human Rights, Neoliberalism and Economic Inequality Today

 

       1 Philip Alston, ‘Extreme Inequality as the Antithesis of Human Rights’, OpenGlobalRights, 27 August 2015, at openglobalrights.org.

       2 Human Rights Watch, ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, at hrw.org.

       3 Centre for Economic and Social Rights, ‘Home’, at cesr.org.

       4 Paul O’Connell, ‘On the Human Rights Question’, Human Rights Quarterly 40: 4 (2018); Radha D’Souza, What’s Wrong with Rights? Social Movements, Law and Liberal Imaginations (London: Pluto, 2018).

       5 Philip Alston, ‘Phantom Rights: The Systemic Marginalization of Economic and Social Rights’, OpenGlobalRights, 4 August 2016, at openglobalrights.org.

       6 Ibid.

       7 Philip Alston, ‘ “Report of the Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights”’, 27 May 2015, p. 8.

       8 Eric Posner, The Twilight of Human Rights Law (Oxford University Press, 2014); Stephen Hopgood, The Endtimes of Human Rights (Cornell University Press, 2015).

       9 BBC News, ‘US Envoy Nikki Haley Berates Human Rights Groups – BBC News’, 21 June 2018, at bbc.com.

       10 Louis Henkin, ‘The United States and the Crisis in Human Rights Symposium: Human Rights and United States Foreign Policy’, Virginia Journal of International Law 14 (1974), pp. 653–72.

       11 Ibid., p. 655.

       12 Ibid., p. 664.

       13 Ibid., p. 663.

       14 Ibid., p. 669.

       15 In a context of politicisation, Henkin believed it was ‘not surprising that the United States is prepared to sacrifice only a little to bring pressure against Rhodesia and South Africa.’ Henkin, ‘United States and the Crisis in Human Rights Symposium’.

       16 Joseph R. Slaughter, ‘Hijacking Human Rights: Neoliberalism, the New Historiography, and the End of the Third World’. Human Rights Quarterly 40: 4 (2018).

       17 Morris Morley and Chris McGillion, Reagan and Pinochet (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), pp. 7–8.

       18 Justin Giovannetti, ‘World Leaders Need to Tackle Rise of Extremism, Hillary Clinton Says’, Globe and Mail, 21 January 2015.

       19 Quinn Slobodian, ‘Neoliberalism’s Populist Bastards’, Public Seminar (blog), 15 Februry 2018, at publicseminar.org.

       20 Philip Mirowski, Never Let a Serious Crisis Go to Waste: How Neoliberalism Survived the Financial Meltdown (Verso Books, 2013), 8.

       21 Ludwig von Mises, Human Action: A Treatise on Economics (San Francisco: Fox & Wilkes, 1996), p. 257.

       22 Bonny Ibhawoh, ‘Structural Adjustment, Authoritarianism and Human Rights in Africa’, Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East xix: 1 (1999), p. 158.

       23 Achille Mbembe, On the Postcolony, Studies on the History of Society and Culture 41 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), p. 74.

       24 OHCHR, ‘Statement on Visit to the USA, by Professor Philip Alston, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights’, 15 December 2017, at ohcr.org.

       25 Ibid.

       26 Étienne Balibar, Masses, Classes, Ideas: Studies on Politics and Philosophy Before and After Marx, transl. James Swenson (New York: Routledge, 1994), p. 48.

       27 Alston, ‘ “Report of the Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights”’, p. 6.

       28 Ibid., p. 6.

       29 Ibid., p. 15.

       30 Makau Mutua, ‘Human Rights and Powerlessness: Pathologies of Choice and Substance Essay Collection: Classcrits: Part I: Thinking through Law’s Questions of Class, Economics, and Inequality’, Buffalo Law Review 56 (2008).

 

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       ‘Commission on Human Rights Verbatim Record Fourteenth Meeting [Excerpt]’, in The Eleanor Roosevelt Papers, I:The Human Rights Years, 1945–1948, Charlottesville: The University of Virginia Press, 2010.

       ‘Summary Record of the Seventy-First Meeting of the Commission on Human Rights’, 14 June 1948, in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 2.

       ‘Summary Record of the Seventy-Seventh Meeting of the Commission on Human Rights’ in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 2.

       ‘Summary Record of the One Hundred and Twenty Ninth Meeting of the Commission on Human Rights’ (Lake Success: United Nations Economic and Social Council, 27 June 1949), at uvallsc.s3.amazonaws.com.

       Commission on Human Rights Drafting Committee

 

       ‘Summary Record of the Third Meeting of the Drafting Committee of the Commission on Human Rights’, 11 June 1947, in Schabas, ed., The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Vol. 1

       United Nations General Assembly Third Committee

 

       ‘Summary Record of the Ninety-First Meeting of the Third Committee’, 2 October 1948, in Schabas, The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 3.

       ‘Summary Record of the Hundred and Twenty-Seventh Meeting of the Third Committee’, 9 November 1948, in Schabas, The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 3.

       ‘Summary Record of the Hundred and Thirty-Eighth Meeting of the Third Committee’, 15 November 1948, in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 3.

       ‘Summary Record of the Two Hundred and Ninety Fourth Meeting of the Third Committee’, 26 October 1950, at hr-travaux.law.virginia.edu

       ‘Summary Record of the Two Hundred and Ninety Fifth Meeting of the Third Committee of the United Nations General Assembly’, 27 October 1950), at hr-travaux.law.virginia.edu/document/iccpr/ac3sr295/nid-1845.

       ‘Summary Record of the Two Hundred and Ninety Sixth Meeting of the Third Committee of the United Nations General Assembly,’ (27 October 1950), at hr-travaux.law.virginia.edu.

       United Nations General Assembly

 

       ‘Verbatim Record of the Hundred and Eightieth Plenary Meeting of the General Assembly’, 9 December 1948, in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol.3.

       ‘Verbatim Record of the Hundred and Eighty-Second Plenary Meeting of the United Nations General Assembly’, 10 December 1948, in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 3.

       ‘Verbatim Record of the Hundred and Eighty-Third Plenary Meeting of the United Nations General Assembly’, 10 December 1948, in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 3.

       ‘Official Record of the 1496th Plenary Meeting of the United Nations General Assembly’, 16 December 1966, p. 11, at undocs.org.

       Division of Human Rights

 

       Division of Human Rights, ‘Textual Comparison of the Draft International Bill of Human Rights submitted by the Delegation of the United Kingdom to the Drafting Committee of the Commission on Human Rights, and the Draft Outline of an International Bill of Rights’ in Schabas, The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol.1.

       ‘United States Proposals Regarding an International Bill of Rights’, 28 January 1947, in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 1.

       United Nations Documents

 

       United Nations General Assembly, ‘International Bill of Human Rights: A Universal Declaration of Human Rights’ (10 December 1948), in Schabas, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, vol. 3.

       United Nations General Assembly, ‘International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights’ (United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner, 16 December 1966), at ohchr.org.

       United Nations General Assembly, ‘Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources, General Assembly Resolution 1803 (XVII)’, 14 December 1962, at legal.un.org.

       United Nations General Assembly, ‘Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order’ (United Nations Documents, 1 May 1974), at un-documents.net.

       General Bibliography

 

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