In Europe there can be for Germany in the predictable future only two allies: England and Italy.



 

The key to success and proliferation for a weak and beaten Germany is a union with the defeaters that have no more interest in weakening the already weak Germany.

And then it occurred to me — it is not for German burghers and Haus-fraus that Hitler wrote his book. Not for the lads in the Hitlerjugend, not for the burly storm troopers, nor for the “men in black”, the SS. For Hitler, Mein Kampf was a splendid opportunity to address the rulers of the world ofthat time — England, and bring home his message, which was plain enough. A powerful movement is being born in Germany headed by Hitler. It has not yet gained its full swing, so it asks for help. Like a green sprout reach-ing for light, the Nazi party is making its way through the political “soil” of Germany. The party needs only two things: money and once more money. And there should be no fears about the party — the Nazi are “good guys”, they pose no threat to the British. The ambitious German politician Adolf Hitler sets up a forceful Anglophile movement and tries to bring it up to political power. The British could as well consider supporting him; for when he mounts the German political Olympus, he is going to enforce politics


 

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favoured by the United Kingdom; for there are no discrepancies between his political programme and that of Britain. Hitler needs no other allies.

…How every one of these points <of the peace treaty of Versailles> could have been burned into the brain and feeling of this nation until, finally, in the heads of sixty million men and women the same sense of shame and the same hate would have become a single fiery sea of flames, out of whose glow a steely will would have risen and a cry forced itself<…>

The treaty of Versailles indeed drove Germany to the very brink of destruction. The huge reparations due to be paid, famine, cold, poverty, unemployment, suicides… What kind of “cry” did Hitler expect to “force itself” from the souls of the Germans? “Feed us”? “Make us warm”? “Give us jobs”? “Cancel our reparations”? “Rescind the treaty of Versailles”?

Not at all. Mein Kampf suggests something completely different, being intended for quite a different audience than scholars are inclined to think.

 

We want arms once more!

 

That is the exact phrase in the book that ends the previous one.

 

Will Germany ask for arms from its defeaters to turn them against those who have devastated their Vaterland? Will it attempt to recover its lost territories and overseas colonies? But who will arm Germans against themselves? No need to worry. Hitler gives a ready answer in his book, and very clear one.

The premise for the winning of lost territories is the intensive advancement and strengthening of the remaining remnant State as well as the unshakable decision <…> to consecrate at the given moment to the service of the liberation and unification of the whole nation <…>: that is, setting aside the interests of the separated regions.

Hitler is not going to claim back the “separated regions”! Just because an alliance with Britain is Germany’s only chance to recover and regain its bygone grandeur. This goal is worth any sacrifice. The victorious Britain must have no fears to rearm Germany, as long as the arms will be used for quite different purposes, such as conquering new territories for the benefit of both nations.

National fates are solidly welded together only through a perspective of a common triumph, in the sense of common gains, conquests, in short, a joint expansion of power.

What “conquests” does Hitler plan to set out on for Germany and Eng-land to benefit from? This is the subject of the next chapter (Chapter 14) in


 

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Who made Hitler attack Stalin

 

Mein Kampf, with a tell-tale title — Eastern Orientation or Eastern Policy.This chapter is the most favoured source of quotation for many Soviet historians. However, it cannot well be understood without the previous chapter; so I must ask for an excuse from my readers for these long quota-tions. Now this Chapter 14 is extremely important for the understanding of the roots of the Second World War. But to be able to find a reply to what really happened on June 22, 1941, still more important is the direction of thoughts that had formed themselves in the head of the future Fьhrer and Reichschancellor Adolf Hitler before it all began.

 

In Chapter 14, Hitler expounds where the Nazi will send the German troops after being armed by the First World War victors.

The demand for the re-establishment of the frontiers of the year 1914 is political nonsense of such a degree and consequences as to look like a crime.

Let me remind that Germany’s defeat in the First World War resulted in massive forfeiture of its territories. These territories were grabbed by France, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Lithuania. The overseas colonies were re-colonised by the United Kingdom. A demand to return these territories would mean war with the countries that now occupied them. Poland, Czechoslovakia and Lithuania are controlled by the Union Jack, while France is its number-one ally. The British will have no interest in such a war, hence no desire to sponsor it. For this reason, Hitler attempts to dissipate their doubts once and for all. We don’t want back our Alsace and Lorraine, says he, you may rest on it. There are other places of interest — far to the East, far beyond Poland and Lithuania.

 

With this, we National Socialists consciously draw a line through the foreign-policy trend of our pre-War period. We take up at the halting place of six hundred years ago. We terminate the endless German drive to the south and west of Europe, and direct our gaze towards the lands in the east. We finally terminate the colonial and trade policy of the pre-War period, and proceed to the territorial policy of the future.

But if we talk about new soil and territory in Europe today, we can think primarily only of Russia and its vassal border states.

That’s clear enough, isn’t it? “We draw a line through the foreign-policy trend of our pre-War period” means no expansion of Germany to the ter-ritories it strove to occupy before the First World War, namely, China, Af-rica, and Asia. As it is, those lands are already divided among the English, the French, and other European nations. Even America has an axe to grind


 

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Who helped Hitler with money?

 

on these continents. Hitler won’t go there — he will go to Russia. There is land enough for everybody there; not only for the Germans, but for the British as well!

Like an experienced clairvoyant, Hitler strives to dispel all the doubts and shilly -shally of the British intelligence services for who he intended his book. An alliance between Germany and Russia is the perennial nightmare for the Anglo-Saxondom. What happens if these two continental powers become friends? In that case, arming Hitler’s Germany might be “cruising for a bruising”, once he starts claiming the world hegemony in a tie with the Soviet Union.

Such jejune speculations are utterly ruled out in Hitler’s book.

 

The former Russia, divested of its German upper stratum, is, entirely aside from its new rulers’ private plans, no ally for a struggle of the German nation for freedom. Considered purely militarily, in the event of a Germano-Russian war against Western Europe, which would probably, however, mean against the entire rest of the world, the relations would be simply catastrophic. The struggle would proceed not on Russian but on German soil, without Germany being able to get from Russia even the slightest effective support.

After these reassuring words, the author again addresses his target audience — those in London, not in Berlin. Considering exactly who the following words are addressed to, one can’t but see the book in a different light.

See to it that the strength of our nation is founded, not on colonies, but on the European territory of the homeland. Never regard the Reich as secure while it is unable to give every national offshoot for centuries his own bit of soil and territory.

It seems Hitler has made his point quite clear already; basically, he owns that:

 

he stands for an alliance with Britain;

 

blessed by the English and French to rearm Germany, he is ready to at-tack and conquer the Soviet Union not only in the interests of Germany, but in those of other “forward-looking” nations;

 

he is prepared to withdraw claims to restore the former German ter-ritories that have been occupied by his Anglo-Saxon “friends”.

 

Clear as it is, Hitler keeps harping on the same string of a British-German alliance, as if to make assurance double sure.


 

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Who made Hitler attack Stalin

 

The most important is first the fact that an approach to England and Italy would in itself in no way evoke danger of war. The only power which would come into question as opposing the alliance, France, would not be in a position to do so.

Besides, why should France stand up against Hitler who, though calling France Germany’s enemy, is going to make his conquests in the direction of Smolensk and Kharkov and not Marseille and Toulon?

A further consequence would be that Germany would be freed from its adverse strategic situation at one blow. The most powerful protection of the flank on one side, the complete guaranty of our supply of the necessities of life and raw materials on the other side, would be the blessed effect of the new order of States.

In all events and circumstances, Hitler sees his alliance with Britain as a panacea for all the pains and aches of the German nation. A kind of balm on the wounds of the fatally injured country.

But almost more important would be the fact that the new union of States comprises a capacity for technical performance which, in many respects, is almost mutually complementary. For the first time Germany would have allies who do not suck like leeches on our own economy, but which both could and would contribute their share to the richest comple-tion of our technical armament.

You are still in the dark about the proposed source of the technolo-gies, money, and ammunition? About those with whose help Hitler could not dispense in his war plans? Why, he writes quite openly about it. The concluding chapters of Mein Kampf are one endless train of eulogy on the United Kingdom, page after page.

The English mother country is really only the great capital of the British world empire <…>

The greatest world power of the earth <England> and a youthful national State would constitute different premises for a struggle in Europe <…>

England means everything for us Germans — that notion concludes Mein Kampf. The book having a total of fifteen chapters, we find thata seventh part of Hitler’s fundamental literary work is devoted to the bless-ings of a friendship between England and Germany.

 

But the Anglo-Saxon rulers of this world do not easily extend their graces. “Of course, as I already emphasized in the previous chapter, the difficulties standing in the way of such an alliance are great”, Hitler stresses. One must


 

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prove one’s helpfulness, loyalty and malleability; only then the British in-telligence bigwigs may condescend to notice the otherwise inconspicuous German politician.

So Hitler expresses his readiness to make every effort for the alliance to come true.

And this is possible the moment when, filled with warning need, one single course, conscious of its aim, is adopted and held, instead of the past decade’s foreign-policy aimlessness.

What course is that? What is Hitler’s objective? These questions are simple to answer if you have read this chapter.

 

The recovery and rearmament of Germany immediately followed by an intrusion into the wide expanses of Russia is the Nazi leader’s first and foremost goal. The one essential condition for it, the basis for the recovery of Germany’s economic and military strength is an alliance with Great Britain.

 

How could one fail to notice, encourage and support this well-minded patriot?

How could one leave such a helpful leader without a penny?

 

How could one forbear to help this Anglophile politician to his power?


 

 

Leon Trotsky —

 


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